This commentary provides an overview of the idea of resilience, and acknowledges the challenges of defining and applying the idea in practice. The article summarizes a way of looking at resilience called a "resilience delta", that takes into account both the shock done to a community by a disaster and the capacity of that community to rebound from that shock to return to its prior functionality. I show how different features of the community can create resilience, and consider how the developed and developing world addresses resilience. I also consider the role of focusing events in gaining attention to events and promoting change. I note that, while focusing events are considered by many in the disaster studies field to be major drivers of policy change in the United States disaster policy, most disasters have little effect on the overall doctrine of shared responsibilities between the national and subnational governments.
Psychological resilience is a positive adaptation, or the ability to maintain or restore mental health despite experiencing hardship. Relevant to the resilience are personality factors, biological factors, systemic factors, and there interaction. Indicators of resilience in children are school performance, symptoms of depression and anxiety, social skills, substance abuse and delinquency and indicators in adults are: employment, homelessness, substance abuse and crime. Factors of increased resilience can be divided into: public health measures, the government measures, child development, mental health in the workplace and improving cognitive reserve in the elderly. Developmental cascades try to explain how to maintain positive changes, enhancing, expanding and moving between system levels or generations. Interventions to increase the resilience are foster care, adoption, and parent training. Understanding the factors of resilience is of great importance for preventive work with children and implementation of interventions to enhance the mental resilience in children. It is particularly important to strengthen the resilience before children and adults experience a crisis. ; Psihološka rezilijentnost je pozitivna adaptacija ili sposobnost da se održi ili povrati mentalno zdravlje uprkos doživljavanja nevolja. Od značaja za rezilijentnost su faktori ličnosti, biološki faktori, sistemski faktori, kao i interakcija ovih faktora. Indikatori rezilijentnosti kod dece su: uspeh u školi, simptomi depresije i anksioznosti, socijalne veštine, zloupotreba supstanci i delikvencija, a indikatori kod odraslih su: zaposlenost, beskućništvo, zloupotreba supstanci i kriminal. Faktori povećanja rezilijentnosti mogu da se podele na: mere javnog zdravlja, vladine mere, razvoj dece, mentalno zdravlje na radnom mestu i unapređenje kognitivnih rezervi kod starijih. Razvojne kaskade pokušavaju da objasne kako se pozitivne promene održavaju, pojačavaju, šire i pomeraju između sistemskih nivoa ili generacija. Intervencije za povećanje rezilijence su hraniteljstvo, usvojenje i obuka roditelja. Poznavanje faktora rezilijentnosti je od velikog značaja za preventivni rad sa decom i primenu intervencija za jačanje mentalne otpornosti kod dece. Posebno je važno jačanje rezilijentnosti pre nego što deca ali i odrasli dožive krizne situacije.
Resilience thinking has been roundly critiqued for not accounting for the political – and inherently power-laden – structures that shape decision-making. In light of the range of critiques as well as the increasing global momentum around resilience thinking, this paper develops the concept of 'Negotiated Resilience.' The concept highlights processes of negotiation to situate, ground, and operationalize 'resilience.' The concept puts particular accent on the procedural orientation of resilience – it is not something that 'exists' and that we can uniformly define, rather it is a process that requires engagement with diverse actors and interests, both in specific places and across scales. Negotiation also inevitably entails contestation and an ongoing consideration of diverse options and trade-offs. We suggest that when considering the inherent complexities of resilience, we would do better to explicitly theorize, analyze, and speak to these negotiations. ; Science, Faculty of ; Non UBC ; Resources, Environment and Sustainability (IRES), Institute for ; Reviewed ; Faculty
International audience ; This paper presents the EU H2020 project Smart Mature Resilience, which takes advantage of the fact that many cities are committed to become increasingly resilient and have ongoing processes for urban resilience. Smart Mature Resilience develops resilience management guidelines based on a Resilience Maturity Model that engages a growing number of stakeholders and multi-level governance in order for cities to become vertebrae for society's resilience backbone. In a dual approach, employing a systematic literature review of international resilience implementation approaches alongside group processes with experts, the Smart Mature Resilience project has developed a preliminary resilience maturity model consisting of five stages Starting, Moderate, Advanced, Robust and verTebrate (SMART) and a Systemic Risk Assessment Questionnaire. The SMART Resilience Maturity Model suggests two principal processes for the transition to resilience maturity: (1) A process of increasing engagement and collaboration with new stakeholder types, from local, to regional, to national to European in a growing resilience backbone, and (2) a process of quality improvement of policies for transitioning from a Safety-I to a Safety-II perspective (from risk assessment & mitigation to adaption to future surprises as conditions evolve).
In this paper, I study long-run population changes across U.S. metropolitan areas. First, I argue that changes over a long period of time in the geographic distribution of population can be informative about the so-called "resilience" of regions. Using the censuses of population from 1790 to 2010, I find that persistent declines, lasting two decades or more, are somewhat rare among metropolitan areas in U.S. history, though more common recently. Incorporating data on historical factors, I find that metropolitan areas that have experienced extended periods of weak population growth tend to be smaller in population, less industrially diverse, and less educated. These historical correlations inform the construction of a regional resilience index.
This discussion panel unpacks the political, economic, and social impacts of resilience. Panelists speak to resilience in the trade industry, climate change, the human body, and the commonalities between the three. ; CAUS Diversity and Inclusion Committee
In: Joseph , J & Juncos , A E 2019 , ' Resilience as an Emergent European Project? The EU's Place in the Resilience Turn ' , Journal of Common Market Studies , vol. 57 , no. 5 , pp. 995-1011 . https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12881
This article looks at the development of the resilience approach in EU foreign policy. Building state and societal resilience in the EU's neighbourhood has been identified as one of the key priorities in the EU global strategy. Here we critically analyse these developments and seek to provide an account of the complex dynamics within which the EU's approach to resilience is located. We argue that EU resilience-thinking is influenced by three broad dynamics – the neoliberal and Anglo-Saxon approaches to resilience in the sphere of global governance; the particular normative discourse of the EU as a certain type of global actor (the EU as a normative/liberal power); and the multilevel character of the EU with its complex institutional structure and path dependencies which results in decoupling. As a consequence, the 'translation' of resilience constitutes an emergent project at the EU level, but also brings with it new challenges. The argument will be illustrated through a study of the EU global strategy and the Joint Communication on resilience in the neighbourhood.
This study, while focusing on climate resilience adopts the broader definition of resilience from the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction which defines resilience as: "the ability of a system, community or society exposed to hazards to resist, absorb, accommodate, adapt to, transform and recover from the effects of a hazard in a timely and efficient manner, including through the preservation and restoration of its essential basic structures and functions through risk management" (UNISDR 2017). Resilience thinking helps link and integrate sectors such as infrastructure, social protection, health and reproductive health, and nutrition that have traditionally been somewhat disconnected. To ensure that appropriate connections are made, this report proposes that the government of Ethiopia and partners develop or use a resilience framework, according to which its many development programs can be structured and monitored for progress and outcomes. ; PR ; IFPRI2; CRP7; CRP2; 1 Fostering Climate-Resilient and Sustainable Food Supply; Knowledge Lab on Climate-Resilient Food Systems ; EPTD; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food Security (CCAFS); CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)
The world is becoming increasingly urban and cities face a constant struggle with the complex environmental, social, economic, and political challenges of the 21st century. Many international organizations have argued that cities will need to become more resilient to these challenges. However, it is not particularly clear what that really means. In practice, policies often use the concept of 'resilience' as a buzzword. In this regard, resilience principles – that is, defining specific mechanisms that make a city resilient – can help clarify the concept and its applicability. Several case studies provide examples of how such principles can be used as tools to brainstorm on new solutions, how they can be used to evaluate proposed policy options and overarching urban resilience plans, and how they can be compared to stakeholders' preferences for national policy strategies. When applied in a structured way, resilience principles provide a powerful tool to move urban resilience thinking from a metaphorical talk to meaningful solutions.
Organic farming emerged as a social movement promoting social justice and ecological sustainability within agriculture. In recent years, the organic sector has grown substantially throughout Europe. One contributing factor is strong policy support from the European Union, based on the general understanding that organic farming is conducive for sustainable development. Austria provides a relevant example of this development, both in terms of the expanding organic sector and in terms of national policy support. For this purpose, an exploratory case study in Austria was chosen as the main setting of this thesis. The concept of social-ecological resilience is found suitable as a framework to discuss sustainable agriculture in Europe since it takes the dynamics and interdependence of social and ecological systems into account. Social-ecological resilience has three defining characteristics: the amount of change a system can undergo while maintaining its functions and structures, the degree of self-organization, and the capacity for adaptation and learning. The objective of this thesis is to increase understanding of the development of organic farming by exploring the relation between the IFOAM Basic Standards of organic farming, farmers' perspectives on organic farming, and the actual development of organic farming practices. A further objective is to develop the concept of farm resilience and to analyze organic farming within a social-ecological resilience framework. Analysis of the case study shows that farmers exhibit dual perspectives on organic farming. They see it as a preferred farming practice that promotes sustainable development but also as an imposed policy that makes farmers more dependent on subsidies. The resilience analysis finds that organic farming builds farm resilience if interpreted as in the IFOAM Basic Standards, while current organic farming practice may compromise farm resilience. Thus, organic farming has the capacity to build farm resilience provided the IFOAM Basic Standards are translated into practice. This thesis concludes that shifting the focus to qualitative aspects of organic farming is paramount during the current period of expansion. Farm resilience is found to be a useful concept to analyze farming systems; it also lends itself as an analytical tool for policy development.
This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in The Routledge Handbook of International Resilience on 24 November 2016, available online: http://www.routledge.com/9781138784321. ; The advent of resilience strategies in the field of emergency planning and response has been premised on a profound re-evaluation of the referents of security governance. Together, the discovery of the 'myth' of panic and the natural resilience of populations has encouraged the spread of resilience strategies which aim to promote the adaptive and self-organizational capacities of populations in emergency. This chapter seeks to advance an alternative to this positivist explanation: that the appearance of 'resilient populations' is the correlate of a broader restructuring of rationalities and practices comprising liberal governance. Tracing the evolution of the figure of the natural underpinning liberal governmentalities through the historical development of Ecology and Economics, this chapter looks to make explicit the epistemological order supportive of neoliberal governance. In doing so, this chapter identifies the historical conditions of possibility for 'resilient populations' to emerge as a referent of governance.
The essay stresses the potential value of empathy in designing strategies for resilience. We question the traditional idea of empathy as an individual skill addressed to understand the other, in support of a conceptualization closer to the phenomenological interpretation, focused on the relational dynamics at stake in human encounters. The paper reconsiders empathy as an experience valuable for strengthening a resilient attitude within collaborative projects. A case study will be featured, i.e. Design in The Middle, an ongoing project that gathers designers, architects and social activists from the Middle East/Euro-Med regions with the aim of generating design proposals to address challenges relevant to the Middle East. As participants come from very different cultural, political and religious backgrounds, their cooperation is a central and critical issue, which might benefit from contextual and relational "rules" enabling empathic experiences. In the context of the first Design in The Middle workshop (2017), some strategies have proven to be crucial in enabling effective communication over complex design issues. These strategies will be analysed according to a methodology developed in a previous research carried out by the author(s) (Devecchi, 2018) about the role of empathy in collaborative processes. Assuming that a resilient society preserves and supports cultural diversity, Design in the Middle stands as an example of collaborative design practice aimed at creating a more resilient future for these regions in which the coexistence of diverse cultural, religious and political positions is a substantial matter of concern.
In the context of infrastructure and natural hazard planning, a new agenda for applied research is emerging which, focused on resilience, integrates government, hazard science, engineering and economics. This paper sets out the context and key tenets guiding the direction of this topic of enquiry, including the New Zealand legislative and policy context under which infrastructure decisions are made, core principles implied by the resilience objective, current norms and challenges in the practice of infrastructure planning, and key criteria for decision-support tools. While decision-making processes strongly informed by cost-benefit analysis (CBA) continue to be common in the New Zealand policy process, this paper demonstrates that there are certain distinguishing features of infrastructure networks that make it challenging to effectively and validly apply standard CBA approaches, particularly when resilience values are at stake. To help address this challenge, a new conceptual framework is presented to assist in the critical review and selection of decision-making tools to support infrastructure planning. This framework provides a synthesis of the ways through which contextual uncertainties influence the relative advantages and appropriateness of different decision support tools. Ultimately, we seek to promote a diverse but also nuanced approach to analysis supporting infrastructure planning under seismic and other natural hazard risk.
This paper was accepted for publication in the journal Cities and the definitive published version is available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2016.05.017. ; There are an increasing number of articles and publications that attempt to define resilience in the face of numerous drivers of risk. Most of this work has tried to identify the values and virtues that are encompassed within a resilient approach in relation to the fragile relationships between the social, natural and built environments (including, for instance, abilities to prevent, react, transform and adapt). However, much less attention has been paid to identifying the practical implications of these values and virtues once a paradigm of resilience has been adopted. In order to address this gap, this study examines what institutions in the UK have actually done when they attempt to enhance resilience. Instead of defining what resilience is, this paper focuses on what local and national governments and other stakeholders do when something is called (or is attempted to be made) 'resilient'. The analysis of 30 key policy documents, a review of 20 formal meetings of a Local Resilient Forum, and 11 interviews with stakeholders confirm that different (and often competing) understandings of resilience coexist; but this work also reveal that two rather different approaches to resilience dominate in the UK. The first responds to security risks, based on a protectionist approach by the State, the other responds to natural risks, and prescribes the transfer of responsibilities from the State to other stakeholders. The analysis illustrates the extent to which resilience has become a highly complex, malleable and dynamic political construct with significant implications for the ways in which policy is enacted and enforced, often with unexpected consequences.
Urban Planning is often touted as one of the key actions for achieving sustainable and resilient development, and it is seen as a key element for reducing disaster risks in urban areas. It is especially important for managing urban growth and increasing resilience in already built-up urban areas. However, urban planning is a complex process that depends on a number of integrated foundational elements for its functioning, including for example, politics, cadastral management, building control, a host of regulatory and legal mechanisms, financing and environmental management. Additionally, in order to reduce risks to natural and humanmade hazards, good information about potential hazards and existing vulnerabilities are needed. Most low- and middle-income countries struggle to have sufficient foundational systems in place to enable urban planning to address disaster risks, and this is also true across much of the Caribbean region. Yet, in the context of urban growth, land-scarcity, fragile ecosystems, increasing climate-related hazards and informal development, the Caribbean region requires increased attention across the foundational aspects that enable planning. This research addresses the complex and integrated nature of urban planning and looks at the different foundational aspects that urban planning requires to enable it to guide resilient development and reduce disaster risks. It proposes and employs a methodology for examining eight "Building Blocks" of urban planning and applies this to urban planning practices in nine Caribbean countries, to assesses how much disaster risk management is being integrated into planning across the Caribbean. The nine Caribbean countries are: Belize, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, St Lucia, St Maarten, and St Vincent.