Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS -- LIST OF FIGURES -- 1 Resilience and geographic thought -- 2 Resilience as essentially contested concept -- 3 Resilience as subjugated knowledge -- 4 Resilience as critique -- 5 Resilience as design -- 6 Resilience as control -- 7 Un-worlding resilience -- 8 Conclusions: re-designing resilience? -- REFERENCES -- INDEX

Mattawa, Ontario is located at the confluence of the Mattawa and Ottawa Rivers, east of North Bay on the Ontario-Quebec border. On the Quebec side of the river, high on top of the hill, stand three crosses. These crosses were first erected by Samuel De Champlain's party in 1614 to mark the place where the rivers met. From downstream on the Ottawa, the crosses could be seen from a great distance. Champlain's party were the first white people to see this place. Over the centuries, the crosses weathered and were replaced when necessary.

This commentary provides an overview of the idea of resilience, and acknowledges the challenges of defining and applying the idea in practice. The article summarizes a way of looking at resilience called a "resilience delta", that takes into account both the shock done to a community by a disaster and the capacity of that community to rebound from that shock to return to its prior functionality. I show how different features of the community can create resilience, and consider how the developed and developing world addresses resilience. I also consider the role of focusing events in gaining attention to events and promoting change. I note that, while focusing events are considered by many in the disaster studies field to be major drivers of policy change in the United States disaster policy, most disasters have little effect on the overall doctrine of shared responsibilities between the national and subnational governments.

Psychological resilience is a positive adaptation, or the ability to maintain or restore mental health despite experiencing hardship. Relevant to the resilience are personality factors, biological factors, systemic factors, and there interaction. Indicators of resilience in children are school performance, symptoms of depression and anxiety, social skills, substance abuse and delinquency and indicators in adults are: employment, homelessness, substance abuse and crime. Factors of increased resilience can be divided into: public health measures, the government measures, child development, mental health in the workplace and improving cognitive reserve in the elderly. Developmental cascades try to explain how to maintain positive changes, enhancing, expanding and moving between system levels or generations. Interventions to increase the resilience are foster care, adoption, and parent training. Understanding the factors of resilience is of great importance for preventive work with children and implementation of interventions to enhance the mental resilience in children. It is particularly important to strengthen the resilience before children and adults experience a crisis. ; Psihološka rezilijentnost je pozitivna adaptacija ili sposobnost da se održi ili povrati mentalno zdravlje uprkos doživljavanja nevolja. Od značaja za rezilijentnost su faktori ličnosti, biološki faktori, sistemski faktori, kao i interakcija ovih faktora. Indikatori rezilijentnosti kod dece su: uspeh u školi, simptomi depresije i anksioznosti, socijalne veštine, zloupotreba supstanci i delikvencija, a indikatori kod odraslih su: zaposlenost, beskućništvo, zloupotreba supstanci i kriminal. Faktori povećanja rezilijentnosti mogu da se podele na: mere javnog zdravlja, vladine mere, razvoj dece, mentalno zdravlje na radnom mestu i unapređenje kognitivnih rezervi kod starijih. Razvojne kaskade pokušavaju da objasne kako se pozitivne promene održavaju, pojačavaju, šire i pomeraju između sistemskih nivoa ili generacija. Intervencije za povećanje rezilijence su hraniteljstvo, usvojenje i obuka roditelja. Poznavanje faktora rezilijentnosti je od velikog značaja za preventivni rad sa decom i primenu intervencija za jačanje mentalne otpornosti kod dece. Posebno je važno jačanje rezilijentnosti pre nego što deca ali i odrasli dožive krizne situacije.

Resilience thinking has been roundly critiqued for not accounting for the political – and inherently power-laden – structures that shape decision-making. In light of the range of critiques as well as the increasing global momentum around resilience thinking, this paper develops the concept of 'Negotiated Resilience.' The concept highlights processes of negotiation to situate, ground, and operationalize 'resilience.' The concept puts particular accent on the procedural orientation of resilience – it is not something that 'exists' and that we can uniformly define, rather it is a process that requires engagement with diverse actors and interests, both in specific places and across scales. Negotiation also inevitably entails contestation and an ongoing consideration of diverse options and trade-offs. We suggest that when considering the inherent complexities of resilience, we would do better to explicitly theorize, analyze, and speak to these negotiations. ; Science, Faculty of ; Non UBC ; Resources, Environment and Sustainability (IRES), Institute for ; Reviewed ; Faculty

International audience ; This paper presents the EU H2020 project Smart Mature Resilience, which takes advantage of the fact that many cities are committed to become increasingly resilient and have ongoing processes for urban resilience. Smart Mature Resilience develops resilience management guidelines based on a Resilience Maturity Model that engages a growing number of stakeholders and multi-level governance in order for cities to become vertebrae for society's resilience backbone. In a dual approach, employing a systematic literature review of international resilience implementation approaches alongside group processes with experts, the Smart Mature Resilience project has developed a preliminary resilience maturity model consisting of five stages Starting, Moderate, Advanced, Robust and verTebrate (SMART) and a Systemic Risk Assessment Questionnaire. The SMART Resilience Maturity Model suggests two principal processes for the transition to resilience maturity: (1) A process of increasing engagement and collaboration with new stakeholder types, from local, to regional, to national to European in a growing resilience backbone, and (2) a process of quality improvement of policies for transitioning from a Safety-I to a Safety-II perspective (from risk assessment & mitigation to adaption to future surprises as conditions evolve).

This commentary provides an overview of the idea of resilience, and acknowledges the challenges of defining and applying the idea in practice. The article summarizes a way of looking at resilience called a "resilience delta", that takes into account both the shock done to a community by a disaster and the capacity of that community to rebound from that shock to return to its prior functionality. I show how different features of the community can create resilience, and consider how the developed and developing world addresses resilience. I also consider the role of focusing events in gaining attention to events and promoting change. I note that, while focusing events are considered by many in the disaster studies field to be major drivers of policy change in the United States disaster policy, most disasters have little effect on the overall doctrine of shared responsibilities between the national and subnational governments.

This paper analyses contrasting academic understandings of 'equilibrium resilience' and 'evolutionary resilience' and investigates how these nuances are reflected within both policy and practice. We reveal that there is a lack of clarity in policy, where these differences are not acknowledged with resilience mainly discussed as a singular, vague, but optimistic aim. This opaque political treatment of the term and the lack of guidance has affected practice by privileging an equilibrist interpretation over more transformative, evolutionary measures. In short, resilience within spatial planning is characterised by a simple return to normality that is more analogous with planning norms, engineered responses, dominant interests, and technomanagerial trends. The paper argues that, although presented as a possible paradigm shift, resilience policy and practice underpin existing behaviour and normalise risk. It leaves unaddressed wider sociocultural concerns and instead emerges as a narrow, regressive, technorational frame centred on reactive measures at the building scale.

In this paper, I study long-run population changes across U.S. metropolitan areas. First, I argue that changes over a long period of time in the geographic distribution of population can be informative about the so-called "resilience" of regions. Using the censuses of population from 1790 to 2010, I find that persistent declines, lasting two decades or more, are somewhat rare among metropolitan areas in U.S. history, though more common recently. Incorporating data on historical factors, I find that metropolitan areas that have experienced extended periods of weak population growth tend to be smaller in population, less industrially diverse, and less educated. These historical correlations inform the construction of a regional resilience index.