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Kant's philosophy in its entirety outgrew its Humeist heritage of rational empiricism, ie, relativism. This relativism is particularly unwelcome in the realm of morality -- hence his philosophy of a priori concepts. Since law, as the minimum of morality, would be invalidated by the political (value) relativism, Kant has no politics apart from law -- specifically civil, Roman law -- which he declares natural (& absolutely rational). Roman private legal principles are the axiomatic foundations on which a structure of deductional theorems of political reasoning is erected. Ubi ius ibi remedium is the central principle, which serves to deny & circumvent rights -- including the right to revolt -- that would make up a set of political supra "rights." In the age of enlightened absolutism -- a schematic derivative of the philosophy of rationalism -- government ceased to be diffuse. Its bearers became too unequivocal, & the whole system turned into a highly visible & assailable target. For Kant (as well as for Hobbes), anarchy is the worst form of tyranny. While Montesquieu & Rousseau sought refuge from tyranny in the diffusion of power, & Raynal & Mably claimed that the right to resist oppression is not only the ultimate remedium but a civil duty, Kant (long before the French revolution & Burke) considers as nonpermissible not only the right to resist oppression but also that against revolutions instigated by legitimate sovereigns. Adapted from the source document.

The author claims that we are living in a time of formal democracy & multipartyism. He advocates a thesis that the Croatian government tolerates the opposition but at the same time deligitimizes it & renders it untrustworthy. The government does not rule by the book & has no systematic ideology. Thus three types of opposition are immanent to it: the one that leads into totalitarianism, the one that strives towards democracy, & finally the one that is given to internal reforms. The key condition for the success of the move towards democracy in Croatia is in countering nationalism & in coexistence within a heterogeneous society with a functional elite & interdependence as a principle. Adapted from the source document.

Savez udruženja boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata, kao društveno-politička organizacija, okupljao je nekadašnje partizanske borce, vojne invalide, obitelji poginulih boraca i sudionike Narodnooslobodilačkoga pokreta. Od mnogih funkcija, briga za socijalno-materijalni položaj članova i očuvanje sjećanja na Narodnooslobodilački rat u društvu činili su najvažnije segmente društveno-političkoga rada Saveza. Unutarnjom reorganizacijom Saveza boraca na lokalnoj razini i konsolidacijom novih općinskih odbora 1966. njegove lokalne organizacije jačaju i sve intenzivnije sudjeluju u društveno-političkom životu općine. U radu je prikazan put formiranja Općinskoga odbora Saveza boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata Labin, proces jačanja njegova ideološko-političkoga djelovanja, sustav boračke zaštite i općinske socijalne skrbi za borce te forme očuvanja i promicanja ratnih i revolucionarnih tradicija na lokalnoj razini. ; The Veterans' Federation (later: Federation of Veterans' Associations) of the People's Liberation War of Yugoslavia was founded in 1947 as a socio-political organisation of People's Liberation War veterans and active participants of the People's Liberation Movement, with committees formed according to the territorial principle—from the Federal, through republican and provincial, to municipal and local committees. It was characterised by a well-developed system of operation focused on the systematisation of veterans' care and all forms of material, social, and health care for members as well as preserving and evoking public memory of the war. Combativeness and vigilance became high priorities of its socio-political work, especially from the mid-1960s and early 1970s, when members of the Veterans' Federation became politicised in the wake of important socio-political changes. Simultaneous reorganisation-related changes and the activation of new municipal committees contributed to the intensification of the work of local veterans' organisations, which manifested as the establishment of some new commissions and, in the following years, an influx of new members and a closer cooperation with other social and socio-political factors in the municipalities. This paper first describes the founding of the Veterans' Federation of Yugoslavia, its structure and most important fields of activity, and then the formation, structure, and activities of the Municipal Committee of the Federation of Veterans' Associations in Labin, which, together with other municipal veterans' committees in the Socialist Republic of Croatia, represented the focus of veterans' activities regarding quality of life improvements of its members and preserving the memory of the People's Liberation War in the local community. This paper examines the most important changes in the Federation of Veterans' Associations' mode of operation, describes the local strategies of ideological work and work on creating a culture of memory related to the wartime and revolutionary past, and the ways in which the veterans' organisation resolved the material and social-health issues of its members, and therefore influenced their quality of life. The research was based on materials of the Republican Committee of the Federation of Veterans' Associations of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the documentation of the Municipal Committee of the Federation of Veterans' Associations in Labin, which has been mostly preserved for the late socialist period.

The critical function of the Church & theology throws some light on the general nature & place of criticism in human relations, & particularly on the role of opposition in politics. From the standpoint of the Church & theology the role of opposition is not untoward in itself, it is a positive component of political life in democracy. The article lists a number of major civilizational problems that require the useful & necessary criticism by the Church & theology. It is also the opposition's duty to use their political clout to make key political protagonists pay due attention to the Church & theology & in this way enable them to fulfill their positive social role. The opposition's activities should be founded on truth, justice, & the exclusion of hatred & even love (utopia?). Adapted from the source document.

The geopolitical evolution represents a permanent process. It is mostly influenced by the geopolitical condition, in which the geopolitical relations and processes are evolving. The understanding of geopolitical evolution is impossible without the critical review and even rejection of the dominant geopolitical visions. There are various theoretical perspectives that reject the dominant geopolitical visions and discourses as well as geopolitical practices of the political elites. Those theoretical perspectives are known as: critical geopolitics, anti-geopolitics, subaltern geopolitics, feminist geopolitics, radical geopolitics. There are also various comprehensions of relationship between these theoretical perspectives, although it is clear that each of them is overlapped with others, and all of them are overlapped with critical geopolitics, differing in the focus of study and the identification of new moments, and at the same time being similar by their deflection from the dominant geopolitical vision and practices, to which they react in different ways: by criticizing, by putting resistance or offering alternatives. In this paper, the research focus is mostly on anti-geopolitics, a radical geopolitical vision that puts into question the relations of exploitation and dominance. Anti-geopolitics also represents a theoretical perspective that poses the most serious challenge to the dominant ways of representing the World. The proponents of anti-geopolitics focus their research on the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles, as well as on the social movements and networks that offer a resistance to globalization and geo-economic logic that are advocated and practiced by the political-economic elites of states and multinational corporations and intergovernmental institutions, especially the financial ones. The paper also brings a brief review of the key aspects of other theoretical perspectives that represent a more or less radical deflection from the dominant geopolitical visions. Adapted from the source document.

Contemporary Western politologists consider opposition a civilizational achievement & a singular value of democratic pluralist systems, but have not managed to come up with an unambiguous definition of the concept of "opposition." This paradox is a consequence of the fact that the opposition, in order to exist, must renounce radical antagonism & use of violence in promoting its interests & political goals. The existence of the opposition establishes the position (government) as a party of the totality of the system, which must recognize the equality of the opposition & renounce the use of violence against the opposition. The consensus on the necessity of renouncing the use of force enables the establishment of the totality of a system in freedom. Thus, the opposition's role is not solely to control the government & provide alternatives; by its contraposition, it stabilizes & legitimizes democratic systems. 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The idea of the existence of the legal foundations of the opposition implies granting certain rights to opposition that finds in the parliament a privileged means of its expression & recognition. The diversified "statute of the opposition" is the basic feature of contemporary constitutional democracies, both traditional & "nouveau." The text points to the terminological & other differences between the opposition as an institution & other forms in which parliamentary opposition finds its affirmation, as well as to the means apportioned to the opposition, both in the rule-of-law states & in the new democracies, including Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

The author thematizes opposition as a modern phase of the division of power in constitutional states. He distinguishes between the legitimate parliamentary opposition & all other forms of revolution, sabotage, & resistance to state power. The recognition of the integrity of a state is a prerequisite for establishing parliamentary rules regulating the relations among the government, the ruling party, & the opposition. In the end, the author analyzes the situation in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

The Periodicals Hrvatski jezik and Jezik The paper discusses the tradition of Croatian linguistic normative periodicals beginning with Ivšić's periodical Hrvatski jezik and continued with Jezik, periodical for the culture of Croatian standard language. There is a description of the programme guidelines of both periodicals that are also recognized as the guidelines of modern Croatian linguistics: purity and regularity of the Croatian language, reliance on the tradition, appreciation of Croatian as a tridialectal language. Through the personalities of Ljudevit Jonke, Stjepan Babić and Sanda Ham as editors of Jezik, the paper discusses the strong Croatian editorial politics and the reactions of Croatian linguists on topical events in the language. This primarily means the resistance against unitarianist pressure which, in the times of Jonke and Babić, posed a great threat for the Croatian language. Furthermore, the paper deals with the important role of the periodical Jezik in forming the culture of Croatian standard language and shaping the relation of the Croatian cultural community and of Croatian general public towards the Croatian language.

In the course of its history, Europe has structured itself by means of two models. The first was based on the territorial expansion of regional forces that used violence to break down the resistance of their weaker neighbors & establish the balance of power. In this way, at least temporarily, the way was paved for more radical changes in their polities. This model was in use until the end of WWII. The second model has been built around European integration. The aim of this process has not been the expansion of regional powers & the territorial conquest of their neighbors; it is based on the initiative of the weak to join the organizations that can satisfy their interests & goals. The process of integration excludes coercive methods. However, there is certain asymmetry in the relationship between the center & the periphery (the strong & the weak). The countries that belong to the center define the membership standards for the 'periphery' & evaluate their implementation. The 'central' countries are in a better position than the peripheral ones since the process of integration bolsters their collective identity, while the weaker states -- by accepting the standards of stronger countries -- have to alter their original identity. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.