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In early 1890, Robert French took a series of photographs of New Tipperary, in southern Ireland. The town was newly built for hundreds of tenants from the Smith-Barry estate, who left their homes, businesses and farms during conflict with the landlord. The centerpiece of the new town's architecture was a shopping arcade, which included a covered market space. French's images of the new town represent an intersection between architectural, political and national discourses. Each photographic image exists as commodity and as visual representation. This unstable double function is the point of departure for this paper, which elaborates on this schema using French's New Tipperary images –and proposes some productive ways in which the images can be understood. When the New Tipperary project ran out of funds and ultimately failed in 1892, the arcade was demolished. French's photographs remain as spectral manifestations of its architecture as political resistance.

Este texto, es un avance de la investigación Fronteras urbanas: Análisis Territorial y Crítica Política del Modelo de Ciudad en el POT Medellín", la cual está inspirada en la inquietud que genera el pensar el Modelo de Ciudad explícito en la Política de Ordenamiento Territorial que viene ejecutando la administración municipal, debido a que esta se muestra como una nueva y regenerada forma de administrar lo público, y que pretende aparentar que se han superado los problemas que aquejan a la ciudad y sus pobladores.

Recent events against the government of Bolivia, ratified the launch of an imperial counteroffensive on the continent, to reverse the democratic and revolutionary processes, which have placed the sovereignty and independence of our peoples, as the basis for a separate capitalist society.

La autogestión es la forma económica de la emancipación social, en tanto significa que son las personas las que toman en sus manos la dirección de sus asuntos, construyendo y recreando sus territorios. En América Latina son numerosos los movimientos sociales que han utilizado la autogestión como complemento a sus prácticas de resistencia social y cultural, este artículo, a través de una reflexión teórica, versara sobre la autogestión como herramienta de resistencia, ejemplificada en movimientos sociales de Argentina y Chile.

Rebel Music", from the 1974 Natty Dread album, is a classic articulation of Marley's liberatory politics. Though the album credits state that the song was written by Aston Barrett and Hugh Peart, the vision is unquestionably Marley's. "Rebel Music" both roadblock and curfew become symbols of a larger system of brutality with its roots in plantation slavery. ; "Rebel Music", del álbum de 1974 Natty Dread, es un clásico de la articulación política liberadora de Marley. Aunque los créditos del álbum afirman que la canción fue escrita por Aston Barrett y Hugh Peart, la visión es, sin duda, de Marley. En "Rebel Music" los toques de queda y las restricciones de movilidad se convierten en símbolos de un sistema más amplio de brutalidad con sus raíces en la esclavitud en las plantaciones.

Rebel Music", from the 1974 Natty Dread album, is a classic articulation of Marley's liberatory politics. Though the album credits state that the song was written by Aston Barrett and Hugh Peart, the vision is unquestionably Marley's. "Rebel Music" both roadblock and curfew become symbols of a larger system of brutality with its roots in plantation slavery.

Redemocratization across Latin America restored labor and political rights denied under the military governments in the 1960s through the 1980s. Increased subjugation to global market forces, less fettered by institutional barriers under neoliberalism than under import substitution has, however, weakened, de facto while not de jure, the ability of laborers to deploy their restored rights to improve conditions at work. The article describes how and explains why protests against perceived economic injustices under the circumstances have shifted in cities across the region from the point of production to the point of consumption, and within the arena of consumption from pro-active claims for affordable housing to defensive protests against state-backed increases in the cost of food and urban services and to solidarity movements in rich countries that threaten businesses that exploit Latin American workers with consumer boycotts.

Hace nueve años escribí un epílogo para Orientalismo en el que, al intentar aclarar lo que había dicho y no había dicho, no sólo subrayaba los numerosos debates suscitados desde la aparición de mi libro, en 1978, sino el modo en que una obra sobre las representaciones de «Oriente» se prestaba a creciente tergiversación. Que ello me provoque hoy más ironía que irritación muestra lo que he envejecido. Los recientes fallecimientos de mis dos grandes mentores intelectuales, políticos y personales, Eqbal Ahmad e Ibrahim Abu-Lughod, me han producido, además de tristeza y sentimiento de pérdida, resignación y una especie de terco empeño en seguir adelante. En mis memorias, Fuera de lugar (Grijalbo, 2001), hablaba de los extraños y contradictorios mundos en los que me eduqué y ofrecía a los lectores un relato detallado de las circunstancias que me formaron en Palestina, Egipto y Líbano. Pero era un texto muy personal, que se detenía justo antes de mis años de compromiso político, iniciado tras la guerra de 1967 entre árabes e israelíes. ; Nine years ago wrote an epilogue to Orientalism in which, in trying to clarify what I had said and not said, I highlighted not only the many debates that had arisen since the appearance of my book in 1978, but the way in which a work on the representations of "the East" lent itself to increasing distortion. That this causes me more irony today than irritation shows how much I have aged. The recent deaths of my two great intellectual, political and personal mentors, Eqbal Ahmad and Ibrahim Abu-Lughod, have produced in me, in addition to sadness and feelings of loss, resignation and a kind of stubborn determination to move on. In my memoirs, "Out of Place" (Grijalbo, 2001), I spoke of strange and contradictory worlds in which I was educated and offered readers a detailed account of the circumstances that shaped me in Palestine, Egypt and Lebanon. But it was a very personal text, which stopped just before my years of political engagement, which began after the 1967 war between the Arabs and Israelis.

Este artículo propone un análisis sobre los pro-cesos de resistencia de los habitantes de Milpa Alta, empleando el término pueblo originario en un discurso que incorpora a comunidades de la periferia rural de la Ciudad de México. Se parte de una caracterización de los pueblos originarios y su relación con el territorio. Se argumenta que el proceso de resistencia de los pueblos milpan-tenses a partir de la década de 1970, cuando estos grupos rurales protagonizaron luchas por la defensa del territorio, reactivó formas de or-ganización comunal que tenían esos pueblos. Se analiza la forma de comunalidad reproducida por grupos de Milpa Alta, así como el mante-nimiento de la actividad agrícola como parte de su modo de vida campesina. Se estudia el proce-so reciente de reapropiación del territorio y su defensa a partir de elementos socioculturales. El análisis se basa en el empleo de información bibliográfica y documental, la cual es comple-mentada con testimonios de informantes de los pueblos para comprender los procesos de organi-zación comunal de estos pueblos y comunidades.

In this article, we analyze the implementation of gender mainstreaming in the European Union (EU) through the study of 'resistance' to gender equality initiatives in EU research policy. Contributing to feminist institutionalist theories, we identify resistance to gender initiatives within the Directorate General Research and Innovation, showing that there have been obstacles to an effective implementation of gender mainstreaming in the European Commission's 6th Framework Programme (FP6). We argue that the encountered resistances reveal tensions between the European Commission's official mandate of mainstreaming gender equality into all policies and its actual implementation, which results in the 'filtering out' of transformative gender equality goals

In this article, we analyze the implementation of gender mainstreaming in the European Union (EU) through the study of 'resistance' to gender equality initiatives in EU research policy. Contributing to feminist institutionalist theories, we identify resistance to gender initiatives within the Directorate General Research and Innovation, showing that there have been obstacles to an effective implementation of gender mainstreaming in the European Commission's 6th Framework Programme (FP6). We argue that the encountered resistances reveal tensions between the European Commission's official mandate of mainstreaming gender equality into all policies and its actual implementation, which results in the 'filtering out' of transformative gender equality goals

In this article, we analyze the implementation of gender mainstreaming in the European Union (EU) through the study of 'resistance' to gender equality initiatives in EU research policy. Contributing to feminist institutionalist theories, we identify resistance to gender initiatives within the Directorate General Research and Innovation, showing that there have been obstacles to an effective implementation of gender mainstreaming in the European Commission's 6th Framework Programme (FP6). We argue that the encountered resistances reveal tensions between the European Commission's official mandate of mainstreaming gender equality into all policies and its actual implementation, which results in the 'filtering out' of transformative gender equality goals