The unbearable rightfulness of being human: citizenship, displacement, and the right to not have rights
In: Citizenship studies, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 39-56
ISSN: 1469-3593
In: Citizenship studies, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 39-56
ISSN: 1469-3593
In: Race & class: a journal for black and third world liberation, Band 41, Heft 3, S. 29-41
ISSN: 1741-3125
The Columbian quincentenary is not so much a remembrance of times past as a reconstruction of times present. For, whereas Europe's medieval kings took legitimacy and authority from God's ordinance, the mesh of supra-national and super powers and transnational conglomerates who arrange our destinies today, needs a more sophisticated array of techniques to proclaim the inevitability of current hierarchies of power and the rightfulness of its versions of progress.1
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Legitimacy and European Union Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 321-329
ISSN: 2161-7953
Through the Hague convention of 1899, for the first time by a general treaty, nations in effect agreed that under certain circumstances, at least, they were morally bound, as were ordinary corporations or mere private individuals, to submit the merits of their disputes to impartial examination. The old doctrine that the king, as the representative of Deity, could do no wrong and the newer fiction that national governments were sovereign—beyond the ordinary gauges of right and wrong—and were their own courts of last resort upon the rightfulness of their actions toward other governments, subject only to the arbitrament of war, were measurably impaired, the signatory nations admitting fallibility and agreeing that, composed as they were of an aggregate of individuals, like their component parts they might err, and that the question as to whether they had erred or not could fairly be determined by other human beings, perhaps no wiser, but certainly more impartial than themselves.
The use of the 'halal' label was expanded. Label, which is originally shown on food and beverage products only, but currently also shown on non-food and beverage products, such as tissue, pan, and refrigerator. It is a phenomenon of halalization; an expansion of halal label for the product consumed by the Muslim community. Based on the qualitative method, the results of this study show that the Millennial Muslim generation's understanding of halal is varying and affected by varying sources of knowledge and internet use. Knowledge source was no longer lies on Kiai/Ustadz only, but also on searching engine available in cyberspace. Social media and the internet also become media used by millennial Muslim generation to search for information on the product's rightfulness. Millennial Muslim generation just wants to use a product with a halal label, and an affordable price. If it is unaffordable, they will choose other affordable products volitionally despite no halal label. The contestation in selecting and non-selecting the halal label shows the existence of interests and authority for millennial Muslim generation. This what is called the politics of the halal label.
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In: International studies review, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 241-258
ISSN: 1468-2486
In: Abu-Ghunmi , D , Corbet , S & Larkin , C 2020 , ' An international analysis of the economic cost for countries located in crisis zones ' , Research in International Business and Finance , vol. 51 , 101090 . https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ribaf.2019.101090
We study the impact on a country's economy of sharing a direct land border with a country experiencing conflict. Through analyzing sixty-three major episodes of regional instability during the period between 1990 and 2016 by using panel data methods applied to unrestricted error correction model, the opportunity cost of such regional conflict is examined. The resulting estimates of GDP loss are most profound for countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Regional turmoil resulting from conflict has been found to have significantly reduced GDP growth in Angola, China, Kuwait, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Tanzania, with estimates ranging from over 3% to 7% average reductions in GDP growth rate using both pooled OLS and fixed effects estimations (with an international average of 0.95% and 1.18% respectively). This considerable opportunity costs of military expenditure raise an important and challenging question to the concerned governments about the economic and social rightfulness of this expenditure and whether their people ultimately pay the price for the government decisions of increasing military spending.
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We study the impact on a country's economy of sharing a direct land border with a country experiencing conflict. Through analysing sixty-three major episodes of regional instability during the period between 1990 and 2016 by using panel data methods applied to unrestricted error correction model, the opportunity cots of such regional conflict is examined. The resulting estimates of GDP loss are most profound for countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Regional turmoil resulting from conflict has been found to have significantly reduced GDP growth in Angola, China, Kuwait, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Tanzania, with estimates ranging from over 3% to 7% average reductions in GDP growth rate using both pooled OLS and fixed effects estimations (with an international average of 0.95% and 1.18% respectively). This considerable opportunity costs of military expenditure raise an important and challenging question to the concerned governments about the economic and social rightfulness of this expenditure and whether their people ultimately pay the price for the government decisions of increasing military spending.
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We study the impact on a country's economy of sharing a direct land border with a country experiencing conflict. Through analysing sixty-three major episodes of regional instability during the period between 1990 and 2016 by using panel data methods applied to unrestricted error correction model, the opportunity cots of such regional conflict is examined. The resulting estimates of GDP loss are most profound for countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Regional turmoil resulting from conflict has been found to have significantly reduced GDP growth in Angola, China, Kuwait, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Tanzania, with estimates ranging from over 3% to 7% average reductions in GDP growth rate using both pooled OLS and fixed effects estimations (with an international average of 0.95% and 1.18% respectively). This considerable opportunity costs of military expenditure raise an important and challenging question to the concerned governments about the economic and social rightfulness of this expenditure and whether their people ultimately pay the price for the government decisions of increasing military spending. Keywords: Opportunity Cost; GDP; FDI; Regional Instability.
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Needing to marry someone who can legitimate his aspiration for a foreign throne, Henry aligns himself with Katharine Valois, French princess, integral political figure, and emerging bilinguist, who provides Henry with the legitimacy his claim is heretofore without. This article interrogates Katharine's role in allaying Henry's anxiety of creating rightfulness--both with the power she possesses as a member of and pivotal place holder in the French royal family, and in her willingness to learn English--all while retaining an individual and solvent center of power, agency intact. Further, through a discussion of the Salic Law and its (ir)relevance to the final act of Henry V, the article attempts to explain why Henry inflicts his fervent wooing upon a woman with whom, many scholars have argued, he need not have bothered. Henry, therefore, a man engrossed with the idea of playing the role of king, needs Katharine to authorize his vision of familial justification that would both help erase the recent unscrupulous actions of Henry IV, and make a more peaceful, potentially smoother, and rigorously legitimized transition for Henry VI to ascend the thrones of both countries.
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This article reviews extant conceptualizations of procedural justice and reports the results of an empirical study testing the effects of fair deliberation. From a communicative action perspective, we argue that Habermas's conceptions of speech conditions and validity conditions can be used to evaluate the discursive and substantive dimensions of procedural justice in deliberation. That is, fair deliberation is built on the fulfillment of discourse norms and the communicativeness of dialogic interactions. The communicative measures are compatible with extant procedural justice measures and provide a communication-centered ground for evaluating deliberative outcomes related to procedural justice. The case study involves public discussion of the Singaporean government's population policies on an online deliberative platform. The results show that when procedural justice is presented in the realization of both speech conditions and validity conditions, it fosters participants' beliefs in the rightfulness of deliberative policymaking. Additionally, speech conditions play a more important role than validity conditions in predicting citizens' specific policy support after online deliberation. The findings illustrate one instance of how communicative norms are prioritized in different deliberative settings and what deliberative benefits a fair procedure can achieve. The results shed light on the theorization of procedural justice and advance the extant knowledge of evaluating procedural justice in deliberation.
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This paper focuses on how judiciaries in post-conflict societies can gain legitimacy through reformation. Legitimacy plays a pivotal role in shaping people's behavior to submit to the law and verifies the rightfulness of an organ for taking binding decisions. Among various dynamics, judicial independence, access to justice and behavioral changes of the judicial officials broadly contribute to legitimation of judiciary in general, and the courts in particular. Increasing independence of judiciary through reform limits, inter alia, government interference in judicial issues and protects basic rights of the citizens. Judicial independence does not only matter in institutional terms, individual independence also influences the impartiality and integrity of judges, which can be increased through education and better administration of justice. Finally, access to justice as an intertwined concept both at the legal and moral spectrum of judicial reform avails justice to the citizens and increases the level of public trust and confidence. Efficient legal decisions on fostering such elements through holistic reform create a rule of law atmosphere. Citizens neither accept an illegitimate judiciary nor do they trust its decisions. Lack of such tolerance and confidence deters the rule of law and thus, undermines the democratic development of a society.
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The period of welfare state restructuring has seen a resurgence of concern, in both policy and popular opinion, with the balance of rights and duties attached to claims for community support. Curiously, contemporary debates about 'welfare reform' have had little to say about economic support in retirement. This paper is concerned with how policy for the transition from employment to retirement figures in a changing discursive landscape of social policy citizenship. Examining the views of a group of Australians in mid-life, it draws out and compares the meanings of entitlement, rightfulness, merit and deserts they attach to the age pension and occupational superannuation, the requirements, duties, and obligations they think are attached to such benefits, and how they believe these benefits and their financing should be shared among Australian citizens and workers. This evidence suggests that there are interesting continuities of political culture in the rights and duties seen as associated with welfare support in working life and in retirement. The basis of these continuities lies in common emphasis on the moral duties that accompany a social right to support from the public purse, and the social privileging of self-provision over 'dependency' on the public purse. These parallels suggest that some of the values, principles and sentiments associated with mutual obligation are carrying over to retirement income provisions, with at least potential consequences for the transition from employment to retirement. To date, however, these parallels are too limited to suggest a reshaping of retirement provision in the image of mutual obligation.
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The current research has as objective to identify the reporting practices of non-financial information through the indicators proposed by the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) and the degree in which, for marketing purposes, there is a preference for the communication on positive aspects. In this respect we used the information published into the non-financial reports of 19 organizations that had adhered to the pilot programme of the International Integrated Reporting Council (IIRC). We selected a number of 30 environment and social indicators reflecting both positive and negative aspects, and we analysed the manner in which they are presented within the reports published by the organizations, following the activities to be taken into consideration for the development of a sustainable marketing strategy: supply - production - distribution. The results of the study emphasized the fact that, regardless of the sector where the organizations run their activity, though there is no homogenous display, they report mainly the indicators presenting positive information 53 %), whereas the indicators presenting negative information are reported only in proportion of 33%. The organizations holding information regarding suppliers' sustenability emphasize this aspect in order to create a brand value whereas the rest of the organizations state that they shall proceed to such evaluations in the future. Interpreting these results through the agency of the institutional theory leads to the conclusion that certain organizations' option to voluntarily report according to a certain referential is carried out mainly in order to obtain rightfulness. Moreover, the sustainable conduct adopted by the main market competitors generates a mimetic-type isomorphism.
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International Relations (IR)-theorists argue that state's power is built on its geographical size, its population size, and economic status. According to this view small states lack power in international relations (Goetschel, 1998). This paper challenges this view and points out various cognitive power resources, influenced by leadership theorists, which can be of great advantage to small states. Cognitive resources are by definition qualitative resources such as negotiating skills, expertise knowledge, ideas, example-setting, norm setting and mediation, in contrast to quantitative power resources, such as financial strength and number of votes (Peterson and Bomberg, 1999). A key element associated with the use of cognitive resources is the ability to persuade others of the rightfulness of your own way, by using variety of reasons such as technical knowledge, emphasis on moral principles and/or by setting good examples (Malnes, 1995; see also e.g. Ingebritsen, 2002; Kronsell, 2002) In this paper it is claimed that small states have been known, (and can), take the lead in certain policy areas in order to make their voice heard, if they already have an established image as experts, norm-setters, role models or mediators, in the policy areas in question. This leads us to the main hypothesis which can be summarized as follows: Small states can take the lead and increase their influences in certain policy areas of concern to them by using "cognitive power resources" such as expertise knowledge, norm setting, example-setting or mediation.
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