Suchergebnisse

Research purpose. The study is focused on Covid-19 pandemic on the European Union. This study inves-tigates the current trends and trade-offs of Covid-19 pandemic and social inclusion trends in European countries. Design / Methodology / Approach. Methodology is based on conventional statistical index theory and statistics. The study investigates cases, deaths and key Covid-19 statistics. The research design combines key social inclusion statistics of the Eurostat to official Covid-19 statistics of the European Centre for Dis-ease Prevention and Control. Findings. The study reports basic trends of Covid-19 cases, deaths, deaths/cases and calculates these Covid-19 trends in relation to population in 28/30 European countries. This study reports trade-off -anal-yses of key social inclusion trends of European Union countries. Key indicators are linked to economic in-come, income distribution, poverty, gender issues and housing statistics. The 10 key indicators of social inclusion are analysed and reported with Covid-19 data. Statistical correlation analysis table is calculated with key European country indicators. The study reveals some relevant aspects of social inclusion policy of the European Union in relation to on-going Covid-19 crisis. Originality / Value / Practical implications. This paper demonstrates novel and exciting possibilities of transparent index calculation tools. Novel original results are provided by the authors. Value added and interesting results are delivered for European governments and business community. Results and findings of the study can be used in the planning of economic recovery policies in the European Union.

Research purpose. The study is focused on Covid-19 pandemic on the European Union. This study inves-tigates the current trends and trade-offs of Covid-19 pandemic and social inclusion trends in European countries. Design / Methodology / Approach. Methodology is based on conventional statistical index theory and statistics. The study investigates cases, deaths and key Covid-19 statistics. The research design combines key social inclusion statistics of the Eurostat to official Covid-19 statistics of the European Centre for Dis-ease Prevention and Control. Findings. The study reports basic trends of Covid-19 cases, deaths, deaths/cases and calculates these Covid-19 trends in relation to population in 28/30 European countries. This study reports trade-off -anal-yses of key social inclusion trends of European Union countries. Key indicators are linked to economic in-come, income distribution, poverty, gender issues and housing statistics. The 10 key indicators of social inclusion are analysed and reported with Covid-19 data. Statistical correlation analysis table is calculated with key European country indicators. The study reveals some relevant aspects of social inclusion policy of the European Union in relation to on-going Covid-19 crisis. Originality / Value / Practical implications. This paper demonstrates novel and exciting possibilities of transparent index calculation tools. Novel original results are provided by the authors. Value added and interesting results are delivered for European governments and business community. Results and findings of the study can be used in the planning of economic recovery policies in the European Union.

The author of the paper analyses the quality of the legal acts related to the Lithuanian Guarantte Fund and seeks to determine the effectiveness of its practical activity. In order to reach these aims the paper dicusses the systems of the protection of employees rights, which are used worldwide and the particular models of guarantee institutions which are used in different countries. The author turn one's attention to how Lithuanian law of Guarantee Fund correspond to the Conventions of the International Labour Organization, to the directives of European Union and practise of the European Court of Justice. The main problems discussed in the paper are related with Lithuanian Law of Guarantee Fund correspondance to the directives of European Union. One of considered problems is the right of emploees, whose employers are not the subjects of the Law of Guarantee Fund, to seek compensation from Guarantee Fund. Another question is related to the application of the Law of Guarantee Fund to the private pension system. Furthermore, the cases of compensation from Guarantee Fund to foreign employees whose permission to work is not valid, are discussed. Also, in the paper we seek to determine the importance of the Lithuanian Guarantee Fund in the depression and give recommendations how to solve the problems discussed in the paper.

The author of the paper analyses the quality of the legal acts related to the Lithuanian Guarantte Fund and seeks to determine the effectiveness of its practical activity. In order to reach these aims the paper dicusses the systems of the protection of employees rights, which are used worldwide and the particular models of guarantee institutions which are used in different countries. The author turn one's attention to how Lithuanian law of Guarantee Fund correspond to the Conventions of the International Labour Organization, to the directives of European Union and practise of the European Court of Justice. The main problems discussed in the paper are related with Lithuanian Law of Guarantee Fund correspondance to the directives of European Union. One of considered problems is the right of emploees, whose employers are not the subjects of the Law of Guarantee Fund, to seek compensation from Guarantee Fund. Another question is related to the application of the Law of Guarantee Fund to the private pension system. Furthermore, the cases of compensation from Guarantee Fund to foreign employees whose permission to work is not valid, are discussed. Also, in the paper we seek to determine the importance of the Lithuanian Guarantee Fund in the depression and give recommendations how to solve the problems discussed in the paper.

Successful integration into the labour market of young people depends on economic, political factors, the education system, labour market needs as well as on individual characteristics. The issue of integration into the labour market has been analysed for almost four decades. Analysis of scientific literature shows that young people face considerable difficulties in successfully transiting to the labour market upon completion of their education (Versnel et al., 2011, Karamessini, 2010, Ryan, 1999, Semboja, 2007, etc.)These difficulties are related to a lack of work experience, abilities to apply theoretical knowledge in practice, etc. [.]

Successful integration into the labour market of young people depends on economic, political factors, the education system, labour market needs as well as on individual characteristics. The issue of integration into the labour market has been analysed for almost four decades. Analysis of scientific literature shows that young people face considerable difficulties in successfully transiting to the labour market upon completion of their education (Versnel et al., 2011, Karamessini, 2010, Ryan, 1999, Semboja, 2007, etc.)These difficulties are related to a lack of work experience, abilities to apply theoretical knowledge in practice, etc. [.]

Successful integration into the labour market of young people depends on economic, political factors, the education system, labour market needs as well as on individual characteristics. The issue of integration into the labour market has been analysed for almost four decades. Analysis of scientific literature shows that young people face considerable difficulties in successfully transiting to the labour market upon completion of their education (Versnel et al., 2011, Karamessini, 2010, Ryan, 1999, Semboja, 2007, etc.)These difficulties are related to a lack of work experience, abilities to apply theoretical knowledge in practice, etc. [.]

Successful integration into the labour market of young people depends on economic, political factors, the education system, labour market needs as well as on individual characteristics. The issue of integration into the labour market has been analysed for almost four decades. Analysis of scientific literature shows that young people face considerable difficulties in successfully transiting to the labour market upon completion of their education (Versnel et al., 2011, Karamessini, 2010, Ryan, 1999, Semboja, 2007, etc.)These difficulties are related to a lack of work experience, abilities to apply theoretical knowledge in practice, etc. [.]

The European Parliament has gained more legitimacy power after Lisbon treaty in 2009. However, there is unclear how EP members are distributing their votes. Do they vote according with the EP party line or their national interest? This scientific article attempts to look at the MEPs voting related to foreign policy issues that are identified as one of the most sensitive to reach a general consensus. This research focuses on MEPs roll call results related to the EU–Russia partnership issues from 2014 to 2015, followed by the annexation of Crimea. Due to this, scientific paper aims to determine the regional dimension between MEPs (geo) political preferences and the relation to Russia votings. This scientific article tests two hypotheses: 1) The voting, following the EP group's position, is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is no clear commitment to Russia. 2) The voting is done in accordance with the national positions often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is a clear (relatively favorable/critical) position towards Russia. These hypotheses are tested by using roll calls and EU countries position towards Russia index which was updated in this work following the research of S. Braghiroli ir C. Carta. The results partly proved the tested hypotheses. The roll calls confirmed the first hypothesis that voting, following the EP group's position, is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is no clear commitment to Russia. Such voting is often characterized by MEPs from West-Central European countries. The second hypothesis stands to be partly proved. The voting in accordance with the national positions is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is a clear critical position towards Russia (mostly from Poland and the Baltic States). However, the results haven't confirmed that this hypothesis applies as well to MEPs from countries of a relatively favorable stance towards Russia. It discovered that an MEP from these countries tends to abstain more while voting for questions favorable to Russia. This shows another tendency to find a compromise between a national and an EP party line. Recommendations for future research. In order to find out more details related to the voting trends of MEPs, the future research should involve a longer period of roll calls. The research methodology could be enhanced by including details of the MEPs voting "abstentions". Also, future research could emphasize the "rebels" in the EP parties who act when expressing "softer" disapprovals from general party political line by abstaining from the voting.

The European Parliament has gained more legitimacy power after Lisbon treaty in 2009. However, there is unclear how EP members are distributing their votes. Do they vote according with the EP party line or their national interest? This scientific article attempts to look at the MEPs voting related to foreign policy issues that are identified as one of the most sensitive to reach a general consensus. This research focuses on MEPs roll call results related to the EU–Russia partnership issues from 2014 to 2015, followed by the annexation of Crimea. Due to this, scientific paper aims to determine the regional dimension between MEPs (geo) political preferences and the relation to Russia votings. This scientific article tests two hypotheses: 1) The voting, following the EP group's position, is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is no clear commitment to Russia. 2) The voting is done in accordance with the national positions often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is a clear (relatively favorable/critical) position towards Russia. These hypotheses are tested by using roll calls and EU countries position towards Russia index which was updated in this work following the research of S. Braghiroli ir C. Carta. The results partly proved the tested hypotheses. The roll calls confirmed the first hypothesis that voting, following the EP group's position, is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is no clear commitment to Russia. Such voting is often characterized by MEPs from West-Central European countries. The second hypothesis stands to be partly proved. The voting in accordance with the national positions is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is a clear critical position towards Russia (mostly from Poland and the Baltic States). However, the results haven't confirmed that this hypothesis applies as well to MEPs from countries of a relatively favorable stance towards Russia. It discovered that an MEP from these countries tends to abstain more while voting for questions favorable to Russia. This shows another tendency to find a compromise between a national and an EP party line. Recommendations for future research. In order to find out more details related to the voting trends of MEPs, the future research should involve a longer period of roll calls. The research methodology could be enhanced by including details of the MEPs voting "abstentions". Also, future research could emphasize the "rebels" in the EP parties who act when expressing "softer" disapprovals from general party political line by abstaining from the voting.

The European Parliament has gained more legitimacy power after Lisbon treaty in 2009. However, there is unclear how EP members are distributing their votes. Do they vote according with the EP party line or their national interest? This scientific article attempts to look at the MEPs voting related to foreign policy issues that are identified as one of the most sensitive to reach a general consensus. This research focuses on MEPs roll call results related to the EU–Russia partnership issues from 2014 to 2015, followed by the annexation of Crimea. Due to this, scientific paper aims to determine the regional dimension between MEPs (geo) political preferences and the relation to Russia votings. This scientific article tests two hypotheses: 1) The voting, following the EP group's position, is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is no clear commitment to Russia. 2) The voting is done in accordance with the national positions often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is a clear (relatively favorable/critical) position towards Russia. These hypotheses are tested by using roll calls and EU countries position towards Russia index which was updated in this work following the research of S. Braghiroli ir C. Carta. The results partly proved the tested hypotheses. The roll calls confirmed the first hypothesis that voting, following the EP group's position, is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is no clear commitment to Russia. Such voting is often characterized by MEPs from West-Central European countries. The second hypothesis stands to be partly proved. The voting in accordance with the national positions is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is a clear critical position towards Russia (mostly from Poland and the Baltic States). However, the results haven't confirmed that this hypothesis applies as well to MEPs from countries of a relatively favorable stance towards Russia. It discovered that an MEP from these countries tends to abstain more while voting for questions favorable to Russia. This shows another tendency to find a compromise between a national and an EP party line. Recommendations for future research. In order to find out more details related to the voting trends of MEPs, the future research should involve a longer period of roll calls. The research methodology could be enhanced by including details of the MEPs voting "abstentions". Also, future research could emphasize the "rebels" in the EP parties who act when expressing "softer" disapprovals from general party political line by abstaining from the voting.

The European Parliament has gained more legitimacy power after Lisbon treaty in 2009. However, there is unclear how EP members are distributing their votes. Do they vote according with the EP party line or their national interest? This scientific article attempts to look at the MEPs voting related to foreign policy issues that are identified as one of the most sensitive to reach a general consensus. This research focuses on MEPs roll call results related to the EU–Russia partnership issues from 2014 to 2015, followed by the annexation of Crimea. Due to this, scientific paper aims to determine the regional dimension between MEPs (geo) political preferences and the relation to Russia votings. This scientific article tests two hypotheses: 1) The voting, following the EP group's position, is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is no clear commitment to Russia. 2) The voting is done in accordance with the national positions often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is a clear (relatively favorable/critical) position towards Russia. These hypotheses are tested by using roll calls and EU countries position towards Russia index which was updated in this work following the research of S. Braghiroli ir C. Carta. The results partly proved the tested hypotheses. The roll calls confirmed the first hypothesis that voting, following the EP group's position, is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is no clear commitment to Russia. Such voting is often characterized by MEPs from West-Central European countries. The second hypothesis stands to be partly proved. The voting in accordance with the national positions is often characterized by MEPs from those countries where there is a clear critical position towards Russia (mostly from Poland and the Baltic States). However, the results haven't confirmed that this hypothesis applies as well to MEPs from countries of a relatively favorable stance towards Russia. It discovered that an MEP from these countries tends to abstain more while voting for questions favorable to Russia. This shows another tendency to find a compromise between a national and an EP party line. Recommendations for future research. In order to find out more details related to the voting trends of MEPs, the future research should involve a longer period of roll calls. The research methodology could be enhanced by including details of the MEPs voting "abstentions". Also, future research could emphasize the "rebels" in the EP parties who act when expressing "softer" disapprovals from general party political line by abstaining from the voting.

The break off labor contract is poorly studied problem in Lithuania. There is no formed judicial practice on this subject. The first thing discussed in the Master thesis is what is insolvency and bankrupt of the employer. Proposed that we can not coincide these concepts forasmuch as insolvency is very wide concept, which includes the employer bankrupt. Studying the procedure of the labor contract break off initiated by employer, when there is no employee fault, in case of bankrupt, is analyzed should be The Labor Code guarantees applied to employee or not. Analyzed, should the employee be alerted and can be labor contract broken off in case of employee temporary sicness or when he is calles to execute true National Guard or other civil duties. It is also analyzed should be guarantees applied to pregnant womwn and employees with children, and guarantees to ill and injured at work employees. It was studyed, should be guarantees aplied to employee representatives. It is proposed to supplement Enterprise Bankruptcy Law, that there would be regulated possibility to apply guarantees to employees in case of bankrupt of their employers, in the Master thesis. It is brought up and analyzed question is the collective agreement valid when the bankrupt case is opened, and are the collective agreement guarantees aplied. In the last part of Master thesis the procedure of the settlement with dismissed employee is studied. According to international and Lithuanian legislation was analized the employee right to get payments from the Guarantee Fund

The break off labor contract is poorly studied problem in Lithuania. There is no formed judicial practice on this subject. The first thing discussed in the Master thesis is what is insolvency and bankrupt of the employer. Proposed that we can not coincide these concepts forasmuch as insolvency is very wide concept, which includes the employer bankrupt. Studying the procedure of the labor contract break off initiated by employer, when there is no employee fault, in case of bankrupt, is analyzed should be The Labor Code guarantees applied to employee or not. Analyzed, should the employee be alerted and can be labor contract broken off in case of employee temporary sicness or when he is calles to execute true National Guard or other civil duties. It is also analyzed should be guarantees applied to pregnant womwn and employees with children, and guarantees to ill and injured at work employees. It was studyed, should be guarantees aplied to employee representatives. It is proposed to supplement Enterprise Bankruptcy Law, that there would be regulated possibility to apply guarantees to employees in case of bankrupt of their employers, in the Master thesis. It is brought up and analyzed question is the collective agreement valid when the bankrupt case is opened, and are the collective agreement guarantees aplied. In the last part of Master thesis the procedure of the settlement with dismissed employee is studied. According to international and Lithuanian legislation was analized the employee right to get payments from the Guarantee Fund

In the so-called old democracies and a little more advanced new democracies (such as the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary), people's initiative and entrepreneurship are clearly noticeable. Travelling through Southern or Western Poland one can see a lot of notices inviting to have lunch, bed, to buy furniture or other goods. It is obvious that people offer their services, want to earn by themselves, and satisfy rising consumer needs. They do not wait to be employed and (or) to be supported by someone else. Many of them are self-employed: they work, offer, buy and sell. That is how they make their living, supply services to others and pay taxes to the state. Such an idealistic representation of business environment encourages stopping for a while and asking such questions as: why situation is not the same in Lithuania? What do we lack or what is too much? Is it possible to have favourable business conditions in the country that has 3.2 million people and, according to the official statistics, 1.6 million of them are employed (Statistics… 2012)? Can it be that our legal acts do not allow working or they restrict people's initiative and do not allow starting their own businesses? [.]