Suchergebnisse

The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.

Rad je usmjeren na razumijevanje pojave dječjih brakova kao prakse koja grubo krši ljudska i dječja prava djevojčica i dječaka, ugrožava njihovu dobrobit i sprječava ih u ostvarivanju njihovih punih potencijala. U uvodnom dijelu analiziraju se uzroci i posljedice dječjih brakova te se iznose dostupni podaci o raširenosti ove pojave u regiji. Slijedom dostupnih istraživanja na području Europe koja ukazuju na povećanu zastupljenost pojave u romskoj zajednici, a uzimajući u obzir nedostatak domaćih istraživanja i literature o ovoj temi, u radu su predstavljeni rezultati provedenog kvalitativnog istraživanja čiji je opći cilj bio dobiti uvid u osobno iskustvo odraslih žena Romkinja povezano s njihovim stupanjem u bračnu zajednicu prije navršene osamnaeste godine života. Podaci su prikupljani metodom polustrukturiranog intervjua te analizirani postupkom tematske analize. Rezultati istraživanja poklapaju se s dostupnim znanjima u ovom području, ali i dodatno artikuliraju isprepletenost različitih čimbenika od razine samih djevojaka i roditelja do razine normi u romskoj zajednici. Slijedom toga, raspravlja se i o javno političkom okviru, a predložene su aktivnosti usmjerene na prevenciju prakse dječjih brakova u sustavu obrazovanja te aktivnosti u zajednici i sa zajednicom usmjerenih na pružanje podrške mladima, ali i na mijenjanje normi koje podržavaju ovu praksu. ; This paper focuses on understanding the emergence of child marriage as a practice that grossly violates human and children's rights of girls and boys, threatens their well-being and prevents them from reaching their full potential. The first section analyzes the causes and consequences of child marriages and presents available data on the prevalence of this phenomenon in the region. Based on the available research in Europe, which indicates an increased prevalence of the phenomenon in the Roma community, and taking into account the lack of domestic research and literature on the topic, this paper presents the results of a qualitative study aimed at gaining insight into the personal experience of adult Roma women associated with their entry into marriage before the age of eighteen. The data were collected by semi-structured interview method and analyzed by the thematic analysis procedure. The results of the research coincide with the available knowledge in this field, but also additionally articulate the interplay of various factors from the level of the girls and parents themselves to the level of norms in the Roma community. Consequently, the public policy framework is also discussed, and activities aimed at preventing the practice of child marriage in the education system and activities within the community aimed at providing support to young people, but also at changing the norms which support this practice, have been proposed.

U radu se ljubav poima kao kulturna pojava čije značenje je, za pojedinca, rezultat različitih diskursa o ljubavi. Dok je jedan od njih diskurs o romantičnoj ljubavi te ulazak u brak, koji se na nju nadovezuje, a potom i zasnivanje obitelji (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012), diskurs o demokratskoj i fluidnoj ljubavi obuhvaća "odstupanja" od takva slijeda (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). Uvidom u različite narative, znanstvene i kolokvijalne, u radu se problematizira stvaranje predodžbi o budućoj ljubavnoj vezi i braku. ; In the paper love is perceived as a cultural phenomenon the significance of which – for the individual – is the result of different discourses on love. One of them is the discourse on romantic love and its follow-up, marriage and family (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012). On the other hand, the discourse on democratic and fluid love covers "departures" from such a sequence (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). After due consideration of different (scientific and colloquial) narratives, the paper problematises the development of ideas about future love relationships and marriage.

Posthumno objavljen roman Ernesta Hemingwaya Rajski vrt je tekst prepun sukobljenih čežnja, posebice onih između heteroseksualiteta, homoseksualiteta i hermafroditizma. To je također roman koji iskazuje Hemingwayeve osjećaje nesigurnosti kada je riječ o muškosti i hermafroditizmu. U svome protagonistu, piscu Davidu Bourneu, Hemingway predstavlja ne samo osobne čežnje i strahove o seksualnosti nego i način na koji "pisanje" može omogućiti rješenje ovih nesigurnosti. ; Ernest Hemingway's posthumous novel The Garden of Eden is a text rife with competing desires, especially those between heterosexuality, homosexuality, and androgyny. It is a novel that also rehearses its author Ernest Hemingway's ambiguous feelings concerning masculinity and androgyny. Through his writer-protagonist David Bourne, Hemingway dramatizes not only his personal desires and fears about sexuality, but also how "writing" can provide a solution for such insecurities.

Krajem 2013. i u 2014. Hrvatsku su obilježile dvije vrlo različite promjene u statusu seksualnih manjina. Prvo, ustavnim referendumom istospolnim partnerima onemogućio se pristup instituciji braka. Drugo, novim Zakonom o životnom partnerstvu omogućila im se većina bračnih prava, osim zajedničkog usvajanja djece. Ovo jasno ilustrira sukobljene trendove hrvatskog društva. S jedne strane, poboljšanja u položaju seksualnih manjina mogla su se uočiti još 1970.-ih i 1980.-ih, a nakon prekida tih pozitivnih trendova 1990.-ih, do poboljšanja dolazi posebice 2000.-ih. Istodobno, mnoge formalne pozitivne promjene nisu bile popraćene i promjenama u heteronormativnim i homofobnim praksama hrvatskog društva koje pak postaju očevidne kroz pregled izabranih aspekata socijalne isključenosti seksualnih manjina u sva četiri sustava socijalne isključenosti (demokratsko-pravnom, radno-tržišnom, sustavu socijalne dobrobiti te obiteljskom i sustavu lokalne zajednice) koji se u ovom radu prvenstveno temelji na rezultatima EU LGBT studije iz 2012. godine i koji je nadopunjen rezultatima recentnih domaćih istraživanja vezanih uz LGBT tematiku. ; At the end of 2013 and in 2014, Croatia was marked by two very different changes in the status of sexual minorities. Firstly, same-sex partners were banned from the institution of marriage by a constitutional referendum. Secondly, the new Life Partnership Act provided the same-sex partners with most marital rights, except the joint-adoption right. This clearly illustrates conflicted trends of Croatian society. On one hand, improvements in the status of sexual minorities could have been noted as early as in 1970s and 1980s. After a break in these positive trends in the 1990s, the status of sexual minorities was particularly improved in the 2000s. Nevertheless, many of these positive changes were not accompanied by changes in the hetero-normative and homophobic practices of the Croatian society. This becomes evident in the overview of selected aspects of social exclusion of sexual minorities in all four systems of social exclusion (the democratic and legal system, the labour market, the welfare system, and the family and community system) that is, in this paper, primarily based on the results of the 2012 EU LGBT study, and complemented with the results of recent Croatian LGBT-related studies.

According to Nietzsche, the fundamental problem between a man and a woman is rooted in the denial of antagonism between them. The man believes that their relationship must be that of eternal hostile tension and unavoidable injustice. Nietzsche asserts that there must be a rank order, where scaling is related to the actions of taking, accumulating and becoming greater by gaining power and overcoming narrower interpretations. This rank scaling does not allow for identicalness and equality, which are signs of the shallowness of instinct and the loss of one's identity. Nietzsche endorses the difference and celebrates the otherness. Flourishing of an individual can never be interfered by the concept of equal relations. Nietzsche is convinced that people are different, and he advocates for agon (a power struggle) as a model of cultural and political relations. Since equality of human beings must consist of an equal amount of the same feature, Nietzsche sees this equality as being represented in the general will to power. Furthermore, the gender difference is also a socially constructed way of being. It is a creation of man's image of how the world should look like. If included in a therapeutic approach, this perspective can shed new light on possible interventions methods in psychotherapy and philotherapy alike. Sex and sexual relationships can be singled out as key problems that prevail in the core of motivation for seeking professional therapeutic help (psychotherapy), no matter what therapeutic approach is used in such practice. It is a topic that has insufficiently drawn on Nietzsche's legacy. The aim of this paper is to provide arguments that Nietzsche's perspective on "war of the sexes" sets a productive context for both psychotherapeutic intervention and for philosophical consultancy. ; Prema Nietzscheovu mišljenju, temeljni je problem između muškarca i žene duboko ukorijenjen u negiranju antagonizma među njima. Muškarac vjeruje da njihov odnos mora biti vječna neprijateljska napetost i neizbježna nepravda. Nietzsche tvrdi da mora postojati rangirajući poredak u kojem je skaliranje vezano za aktivnosti uzimanja, nakupljanja i postajanja boljim zadobivajući moć i nadilazeći uža tumačenja. Ovo rangiranje ne dopušta istovjetnost i ravnopravnost, što su znakovi plitkoće instinkta i gubitka identiteta. Nietzsche podržava različitost i slavi drugotnost. Uspijevanje pojedinca nikada ne može biti ometano pojmom jednakih odnosa. Nietzsche je uvjeren da su ljudi drugačiji i zagovara agon (borba moći) kao model kulturnih i političkih odnosa. Budući da se jednakost ljudskih bića mora sastojati od jednakog iznosa istog svojstva, Nietzsche tu jednakost vidi kao predstavljenu u općoj volji za moć. Nadalje, rodna je razlika također društveno konstruiran način bivanja. To je kreacija muške slike o tome kako bi svijet trebao izgledati. Ako se uključi u terapijski pristup, ova nam perspektiva može baciti novo svjetlo na moguće intervencijske metode u psihoterapiji i filoterapiji podjednako. Spol i spolni odnosi mogu biti izlučeni kao ključan problem koji prevladava u jezgri motivacije za traženje profesionalne terapijske pomoći (psihoterapija), bez obzira na to koji se terapijski pristup u takvoj praksi koristi. Tema je to koja nije dovoljno vukla iz Nietzscheove tradicije. Cilj je rada ponuditi argumente za to da se Nietzscheova perspektiva na »rat spolova« postavi kao produktivan kontekst za psihoterapijsku intervenciju i filozofijsko savjetovanje. ; Nach Nietzsches Ansicht schlägt das grundlegende Problem zwischen Mann und Frau ("Weib") seine Wurzeln tief in der Leugnung des Antagonismus zwischen ihnen. Ein Mann glaubt, dass ihre Beziehung eine ewige feindselige Spannung und eine unabwendbare Ungerechtigkeit sein muss. Nietzsche stellt die Behauptung auf, dass es eine Rangordnung geben muss, in der die Skalierung mit den Aktivitäten des Nehmens, Akkumulierens und der Verbesserung durch Machtgewinnung und Überwindung engerer Interpretationen zusammenhängt. Diese Rangfolge duldet keine Ausgleichbarkeit und Gleichheit, die Anzeichen für einen flachen Instinkt und einen Identitätsverlust sind. Nietzsche unterstützt die Verschiedenheit und feiert die Andersheit. Der Erfolg eines Individuums kann niemals durch den Begriff der gleichen Beziehungen beeinträchtigt werden. Nietzsche ist überzeugt, dass Menschen anders sind, und befürwortet den Agon (Wettkampf) als Modell kultureller und politischer Beziehungen. Da die Gleichheit der menschlichen Wesen aus einer gleichen Menge derselben Eigenschaft bestehen muss, sieht Nietzsche diese Gleichheit als vertreten im allgemeinen Willen zur Macht. Fernerhin ist der Genderunterschied gleichfalls eine sozial konstruierte Art des Seins. Es ist die Kreation eines männlichen Bildes davon, wie die Welt aussehen sollte. Falls diese Perspektive in den therapeutischen Ansatz einbezogen wird, kann sie neues Licht auf potenzielle Interventionsmethoden innerhalb der Psychotherapie und Philotherapie gleichermaßen werfen. Geschlecht und Geschlechtsverkehr können als Schlüsselproblem herausgeschält werden, das im Kern der Motivation dominiert, professionelle therapeutische Hilfe (Psychotherapie) aufzusuchen, ungeachtet dessen, welcher therapeutische Ansatz in einer solchen Praxis verwendet wird. Es ist ein Thema, das nicht zureichend aus Nietzsches Tradition stammt. Die Intention dieses Papers ist es, Argumente dafür zu liefern, Nietzsches Perspektive des "Geschlechterkrieges" als produktiven Kontext für psychotherapeutische Interventionen und philosophische Beratung aufzustellen. ; Selon la pensée de Nietzsche, le problème fondamental entre les hommes et les femmes est profondément enraciné dans le déni de l'antagonisme qui leur est propre. L'homme considère que leur relation repose sur une éternelle tension hostile et une inévitable injustice. Nietzsche affirme qu'un ordre de classement doit exister dans lequel la mise à l'échelle est liée à l'action de s'emparer, d'accumuler et de devenir meilleur en gagnant en puissance et en dépassant les étroites interprétations. Ce classement ne permet pas d'identité et d'égalité, signes d'un instinct superficiel et d'une perte d'identité. Nietzsche soutient la diversité et célèbre l'altérité. La réussite d'un individu ne doit jamais être perturbé par le concept d'égalité des relations. Nietzsche est convaincu que les gens sont différents et défend l'agôn (lutte pour le pouvoir) en tant que modèle pour les relations culturelles et politiques. Étant donné que l'égalité des êtres humains doit contenir une quantité égale de propriétés identiques, Nietzsche conçoit cette égalité comme présentée dans la volonté générale de puissance. En outre, la différence des genres est également un mode d'être construit socialement. C'est la création masculine d'une image sur le monde. Si on l'introduit au sein d'une approche thérapeutique, cette perspective éclaire d'un jour nouveau les possibles méthodes d'intervention en psychothérapie et philothérapie de manière égale. Le genre et les relations de genres peuvent être dégagés comme un problème clé qui prend le dessus au cœur de la motivation visant à rechercher une aide thérapeutique professionnelle (psychothérapie), quel que soit l'approche thérapeutique utilisée dans une pratique de ce genre. Ce thème n'a pas suffisamment été puisé dans la tradition nietzschéenne. L'objectif de ce travail et de proposer des arguments afin que la perspective nietzschéenne de « la guerre des genres » s'établisse dans un contexte productif pour l'intervention psychothérapeutique et la consultation philosophique.

Educational policy in Croatia is facing serious problems due to disagreement on introduction of sex education in the national curriculum. This article combines two perspectives in defining the theoretically and practically relevant issues of implementing the sex education curriculum. From the 'top down perspective' it observes stakeholders' arguments which are not in accordance on 'what to do' (they are not in 'practical accordance'). Later on, from the 'bottom up perspective', the author observes how practical value judgments depend on silent (unspoken) theoretical (concepts of knowledge and of what it means to be human) and practical premises (derived from normative sources). This article defines the frame of the open question of contemporary philosophy on logical procedures of fair and rational resolution of different viewpoints. When faced with practical disagreement, the author argues that the communication ethics of argumentation should consist of discussion topics on theoretical premises: can question postulates of the opposing side – their truthfulness, sincerity and desirability. While exploring differences in attitudes, this article by default analyzes tacit premises of those who implement the compulsory national curriculum on sex education. The basic assumption for problem resolution related to implementation of the sex education curriculum is in reaching an understanding about theoretical premises, and not in proving one's own attitudes and ideas of how to actualize the plan. Understanding theoretical premises provides a way to establish common ground as a basis and starting point for discussion. Although existing solutions indicate general possibility for compulsory national sex education curriculum in multicultural democracy, in this case common ground is not reached. ; Neslaganje oko uvođenja kurikuluma spolnog odgoja u Hrvatskoj predstavlja ozbiljan problem obrazovne politike. Rad kombinira dvije perspektive u definiciji teorijski i praktički relevantnog pitanja uvođenja spolnog odgoja. Iz 'ptičje perspektive' promatra argumentaciju aktera koji se ne slažu 'što treba činiti' (nisu u 'praktičnoj slozi'). Nakon toga iz 'žablje perspektive' promatra kako praktični, vrijednosni sud, ovisi o prešutnim teorijskim (antropološkim pretpostavkama i naravi znanja) i praktičnim premisama (izvedenima iz normativnih izvora). Ovaj rad definira okvir otvorenog pitanja suvremene filozofije o logici postupka ravnopravnog i racionalnog razrješenja razlike stavova tvrdeći da komunikacijska etika argumentacije u slučaju praktičnog neslaganja treba prenijeti predmet rasprave na teorijske premise: pravo preispitivanja pretpostavke suprotne strane – njezine istinitosti, iskrenosti i poželjnosti. Proučavajući razlike u stavovima u članku se analiziraju zadane prešutne premise strane koja uvodi obavezni kurikulum. Pretpostavka razrješenja problema uvođenja spolnog odgoja je u unaprjeđenju međusobnog razumijevanja teorijskih premisa, a ne u dokazu svog stava i ostvarenju nauma. Razumijevanje teorijskih premisa omogućava uspostavu točke razumijevanja kao temelja i polazišta rasprave. Točka razumijevanja nije postignuta pa iako postojeća predložena rješenja ukazuju na načelnu mogućnost uvođenja obaveznog kurikuluma spolnog odgoja u višekulturnoj demokraciji, to nije ostvareno u ovom slučaju.

Pravno uređenje imovinskih odnosa u obitelji znatno se razlikuje u pojedinačnim europskim pravnim sustavima. Prvi će dio rada stoga biti posvećen analizi imovinskih odnosa u braku, u izvanbračnim zajednicama te u životnim partnerstvima osoba istog spola u hrvatskome obiteljskom pravu s ciljem određivanja pravnog okvira. Nadalje, pokušat će se odgovoriti na pitanje jesu li na imovinskopravna rješenja djelovala određena poredbenopravna rješenja i/ili izvori soft lawa, poput Načela europskoga obiteljskog prava u području imovinskih odnosa bračnih drugova. U drugom će se dijelu rada nastojati razmotriti kako bi sekundarno pravo EU-a moglo utjecati na domaće obiteljsko pravo nakon što se u Republici Hrvatskoj budu primjenjivale Uredba Vijeća (EU) 2016/1103 o provedbi pojačane suradnje u području nadležnosti, mjerodavnog prava te priznavanja i izvršenja odluka u stvarima bračnoimovinskih režima i Uredba Vijeća (EU) 2016/1104 o provedbi pojačane suradnje u području nadležnosti, mjerodavnog prava te priznavanja i izvršenja odluka u stvarima imovinskih posljedica registriranih partnerstava. Na kraju, autorica će ponuditi završna razmatranja glede usporedbe između postojećih nacionalnih pravnih rješenja i europskih trendova u području imovinskih odnosa u obiteljskom pravu. ; The legal regulation of patrimonial relations in the family differs from one European legal system to another. The first part of the paper will be dedicated to the analysis of the patrimonial relations in the marriage, in the de facto cohabitations and in the same-sex registered partnerships in the Croatian family law in order to define the legal framework. The paper will go on to deal with the question of whether the national family law has been influenced by some legal solutions from other legal systems or by sources of soft law such as the Principles of European Family Law regarding Property Relations between Spouses. The second part of the paper will deal with the possible impact of the EU secondary legislation on the national family law after the ...

Having reflected on the concept of direct democracy & the possibility of its implementation, the author focuses on Germany & Austria. It is not possible to hold a federal referendum in Germany, although the Basic law explicitly states that the people exercise their power also through referenda. After analyzing the Weimar experience with direct democracy, the author argues that the reasons why there are no direct democracy mechanisms at the federal level do not lie in the "bitter experience of the Weimar Republic." Having considered the implementation of direct democracy mechanisms in the German provinces & in Austria, the author concludes that Germany & Austria are not the leading countries in employing direct democracy but they are surely not at the very back of the list. Adapted from the source document.