Islamism and secularism in North Africa
In: International affairs, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 671-671
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: International affairs, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 671-671
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Alternatives: global, local, political, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 223-245
ISSN: 0304-3754
World Affairs Online
In: Comparative studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 11-20
ISSN: 1089-201X
In: Comparative studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 11-20
ISSN: 1548-226X
In: The review of politics, Band 61, Heft 4, S. 715-736
ISSN: 0034-6705
In: Pouvoirs: revue française d'études constitutionnelles et politiques, Heft 62, S. 15
ISSN: 0152-0768
In: International social science journal: ISSJ, Band 46, Heft 2, S. 277
ISSN: 0020-8701
In: International migration: quarterly review, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 5-27
ISSN: 1468-2435
ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the secularism debate currently taking place in France by examining how this issue impacts the integration of immigrants, particularly Muslim immigrants. Secularism is one of the key values of French Republicanism, but one which has been challenged by the establishment of a settled population of Muslim immigrants in France. The issue has been particularly highlighted by the affaire des foulards (headscarf affair), an ongoing debate over the rights of Muslim girls to wear a headscarf to secular French schools. Discussions of the principle of secularism and of its application have been even more intense in recent months with the publication in December 2003 of a report by the Stasi Commission, a commission set up by President Chirac to investigate the application of the principle of secularism, and by the passage of legislation intended to outlaw the wearing of any "overt" religious insignia in French schools. This article examines these recent developments in the context of the long‐running debate over Muslim women's right to wear a headscarf in French schools. It argues that the current focus on secularism provides evidence of the return of assimilation as a primary objective of public policy (Brubaker, 2001) and the decreasing strength of the movement in favour of the droit à la différence (right to difference). Finally, the paper argues that this has provided important obstacles to the integration of certain groups of immigrants, particularly Muslim immigrants.
In: European journal of international relations, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 235-262
ISSN: 1460-3713
Secularism is an important source of political authority in International Relations theory and practice. Secularists identify something called 'religion' and separate it from the domains of the state, the economy and science. This separation facilitates a consensus which is sustained by a powerful yet historically contingent set of beliefs, including secularism as the realization of God's will, secularism as the natural evolution toward universal morality and secularism as a normal consequence of economic modernization. Despite these aspirations, secularism is unequipped to serve as a universal model of public life, either domestically or internationally. The creation of the category of religion and its demarcation from politics is a highly politicized decision that is not subject to a final settlement, and the pretense of a final settlement exacerbates international conflict rather than diminishing it. The religion/politics negotiation is a fluid site of authority with complex relations to the state system, the global economy, international ethics and other more heavily theorized locations of power in international relations.
In: Human rights quarterly, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 375-400
ISSN: 1085-794X
Theorists and practitioners commonly assume that the concept of human rights is secular and that it normally takes priority over other values. These assumptions are controversial for those who approach human rights from the perspective of religious beliefs. This article examines the arguments both of those who claim that religious beliefs must interpret human rights in their own terms and those who claim priority for the international (secular) legal understanding of the concept. It compares Western and Islamic approaches to religion, secularism, and human rights, and reaches two conclusions: 1) at the philosophical level, there may be no decisive argument for according priority to secularism or religion; 2) the politics of this debate may be more important in practice than questions of religious philosophy.
In: Human rights quarterly: a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 375-400
ISSN: 0275-0392
In: International social science journal: ISSJ, Band 46, S. 277-284
ISSN: 0020-8701
In an analysis of the complexity of the religious phenomenon in the contemporary world, it is argued that secularization has the paradoxical effect of sustaining both historic & more recently formed religions. These latter actively resist its impact but adapt themselves in complex ways -- including the incorporation of the secular -- & survive with modified values & ceremonial symbols. Religions become secularized, & secular expressions continue to manifest religious elements. It is concluded that the relations between secularism & religiosity constitute less a dichotomy than a continuum or mosaic. 2 Photographs. Adapted from the source document.
In: Political theory: an international journal of political philosophy, Band 27, Heft 5, S. 597-633
ISSN: 0090-5917
The popular liberal contention that supports the complete separation of church & state is challenged, & an alternative approach to conceptualizing moral guidelines & structuring political & religious institutions is presented. Political liberalism's adherence to the principles of state neutrality & secularism & defense of the total separation of state & church as the only means of preserving institutions is repudiated. Rather, it is asserted that moral ideals are more effectively articulated by observing the notion of relational neutrality, defined as taking into consideration only actual differences between religious groups, treating fairness as "evenhandedness," & prioritizing liberal democratic principles over liberal fundamentalisms. It is contended that the alternative approach promotes a better understanding of & resolution to conflicts over individual & group constitutional rights. Moreover, the alternative perspective overcomes the church-state dichotomy, permitting multiple relations, eg, "nonconstitutional pluralism." Future research is urged to address the issue of institutionalizing religious pluralism. 98 References. J. W. Parker
In: International migration, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 5-27
ISSN: 0020-7985
In: Harvard international review, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 40-45
ISSN: 0739-1854