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This article critically reviews the literature on morality policies and the politics of values, focusing in particular on the question of what defines morality policies as a specific policy field. Drawing from both US American and European literature, it surveys to which extent morality policies can be understood as a particular form of contention over primary values, a way of framing, a cultural conflict, a specific type of politics, or a class of substantive policy issues. The article then develops a new approach that draws on political theory and pays particular attention to the role of religion, arguing that morality policies reflect deep divisions within modern societies over key principles of political liberalism.

Il sistema politico Iraniano, basato dal 1979 sulla legge islamica (la legge della Shari'a), così come il suo governo in carica, stanno affrontando numerose sfide e vere e proprie crisi esistenziali, tipiche di una società segnata dalle contraddizioni delle società in transizione. In questo caso, una delle contraddizioni principali riguarda il rispetto dei principi giuridicomorali islamici, che erano l'obiettivo fondamentale della Repubblica Islamica dell'Iran. Questo articolo intende mettere in discussione, almeno in par t e, le radici profonde degli attuali problemi attraverso analisi approfondite del potere politico iraniano e della sua evoluzione, ritornando al primo movimento popolare moderno del paese e al fallimento della rivoluzione costituzionale del 1906, i cui effetti durano fino ad oggi. In questo quadro, anche una riflessione sul ruolo degli intellettuali secolari e degli scienziati religiosi iraniani e sulla loro influenza nel dibattito pubblico sarà considerato. Infine, è opportuno concentrarsi sulla carta costituzionale attuale e su come venne stabilita, in particolare sul principio del velāyat-e faqih (tutela del giurisperito) e sulle sue conseguenze teorico-pratiche, dopo che il popolo iraniano è stato governato da un governo laico come quello di Pahalvi (1925- 1979) per quasi mezzo secolo. ; The Iranian political system, based on Islamic law (Shari'a law) since 1979, as well as its current government, are facing various challenges typical of a society marked by the contradictions of societies in transition. One of the main such contradictions concerns the respect of Islamic legalmoral principles, which were the fundamental aim behind the rise of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article intends to question, at least in part, the deep roots of the current problems through an analysis of the Iranian political power and its evolution, returning to the country's first modern popular movement and the failure of the first Persian constitution of 1907, the effects of which continue to today. In this framework, a reflection on the role of the Iranian secular intellectuals and religious scholars and their influence on the public debate will be considered. Finally, the current constitutional charter and on how it was established will be examined, in particular the principle of velāyat-e faqih (guardianship of the jurist) and its theoretical-practical consequences, after the Iranian people had been governed by a secular government like Pahalvi (1925 -1979) for almost half a century

This article provides an overview of the critical scholarship on the emergence and various stages of the veneration of Turkey's founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk over the decades, demonstrating how specific political environments have played a role. ; Razprava podaja kritičen pregled nastanka in različnih stopenj čaščenja ustanovitelja Turčije Mustafa Kemala Atatürka v preteklih desetletjih. Pri čemer avtorica pokaže, kako vlogo so imela posebne politične okoliščine. ; Publisher's Version

The purpose of this article is to analyze the arguments of the parliamentary discussions that took place in 1932, around a national history book elaborated by a French religious and used in the educational institutions managed by the Uruguayan State. The juridical separation of Church and State was enshrined in the Constitution of 1919 in Uruguay, but the freedom of teaching was debated in the political cast due to the growth of schools and works of religious instruction. The books produced by Brother Damasceno included data on the religiosity of the Uruguayan people and their leaders, as well as the Church's performance in the historical processes from the colony to recent times. Their presence in the classrooms of the secular state was a topic debated in the government by various political sectors. In order to carry out this work, the works of this author were recovered and the parliamentary debates between August and October 1932 were consulted. Through these sources we seek to reconstruct the roles intended by the Church and the State in the first decades of the twentieth century. ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar los argumentos de las discusiones parlamentarias ocurridas en 1932, en torno a un libro de historia nacional elaborado por un religioso francés y utilizado en las instituciones de enseñanza gestionadas por el Estado uruguayo. La separación jurídica de la Iglesia y el Estado fue consagrada en la Constitución de 1919 en Uruguay, pero la libertad de enseñanza era debatida en el elenco político debido al crecimiento de colegios y obras de instrucción religiosa. Los libros realizados por el Hermano Damasceno incluían datos de la religiosidad del pueblo uruguayo y sus líderes, así como la actuación de la Iglesia en los procesos históricos desde la colonia hasta tiempos recientes. Su presencia en las aulas del Estado laico fue un tema debatido en el gobierno por diversos sectores políticos. Para la realización de este trabajo se recuperaron las obras de este autor y se consultaron los debates parlamentarios entre agosto y octubre de 1932. A través de estas fuentes se busca reconstruir los roles pretendidos por la Iglesia y el Estado en las primeras décadas del siglo XX.

Since the 2011 uprising in Egypt, the Egyptian state has increasingly used the charge of contempt of religion (izdira' al-din) to regulate speech. This charge, though sometimes assumed to be a medieval holdover, is part of a modern genealogy of the politics of religious freedom. This article examines how religious freedom accumulated meaning in Egypt after World War I, when it became an international legal standard. Protestant missionaries in Egypt advocated religious freedom as the right to proselytize and the right of Egyptians to convert. For many Egyptians, by contrast, it came to mean the right to protect one's religion from perceived missionary attacks (ta'n). Using British state archival records, missionary sources, and Egyptian parliamentary transcripts and periodicals, this article traces the formation of this paradox in public discourse and law. Drawing on theorizations of seduction and moral injury, I show how Egyptians articulated notions of religious freedom centered around feelings of moral injury and through a local ethical vernacular that, though embedded within the Islamic tradition, was broadly shared. The Egyptian state gradually incorporated these sensibilities into its expanding modern legal system as part of maintaining a majority-defined public order, transforming offense to religion from a moral issue into a punishable crime. Forged through a contingent process involving missionaries, local communities, and the Egyptian state under the shadow of colonial rule, religious freedom has exacerbated rather than resolved religious divides in Egypt, and has helped to define and delimit the country's political, moral, and religious imaginaries.

In contemporary political discourse, the "clash of civilizations" rhetoric often undergirds philosophical analyses of "democracy" both at home and abroad. This is nowhere better articulated than in Jacques Derrida's Rogues, in which he describes Islam as the only religious or theocratic culture that would "inspire and declare any resistance to democracy" (Derrida 2005, 29). Curiously, Derrida attributes the failings of democracy in Islam to the lack of reference to Aristotle's Politics in the writings of the medieval Muslim philosophers. This paper aims to analyze this gross misconception of Islamic philosophy and illuminate the thoroughgoing influence the Muslim philosophers had on their Christian successors, those who are so often credited as foundations of Western political philosophy. In so doing, I compare the ideal states presented by Averroes and Dante – in which Aristotelian influence is intimately interlaced – and offer an analysis thereof as heralds of what we might call the secularization of the political, inspiring those democratic values that Derrida believes to be absent in the rich philosophy of the Middle Ages.

JOSEPH DAHER is a member of the Revolutionary Left Current in Syria. He is the writer and editor of Syria Freedom Forever, syriafreedomforever. wordpress.com, a blog dedicated to the struggle of the Syrian people in their uprising to overthrow the Assad authoritarian regime and to build a democratic, secular, socialist, anti-imperialist, and pro-resistance Syria. A Ph.D. student in Development, he works as an assistant at the University of Lausanne in Switzerland. He was interviewed in Geneva on October 22, 2014, by New Politics board member Riad Azar, with some email updates. Adapted from the source document.

The effect of state regulation of religion on governance has been explored theoretically by scholars, but it has not been tested empirically across nation states. The theory posits that secular states are more likely to benefit from better governance because of the absence of clerical involvement in politics, paving the way for the expansion of civil society and the passage of progressive political, economic, and social reforms. Using a unique dataset of more than 100 nation states, I find that countries with higher levels of state intervention on religion are more likely to suffer from inferior governance as reflected by higher levels of corruption and political instability and lower levels of rule of law entrenchment, bureaucratic effectiveness, and regulatory quality. Furthermore, states wherein there is no distinct separation between church and state are more likely to have lower levels of political openness and accountability.Related Articles

Beal, Amanda L., and
Leah Graham. 2014. "." Politics & Policy 42 (): 311‐345. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12077/abstract


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Benjamin Radcliff. 2011. "." Politics & Policy 39 (): 251‐269. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00290.x/abstract


Wagle, Udaya R. 2013. "." Politics & Policy 41 (): 947‐984. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12053/abstract
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The Iranian Revolution, through Khomeini's consolidation measures, quickly morphed into an 'Islamic Revolution'. Khomeini's regime abrogated popular legislation such as the Family Protection Laws of 1967 and 1975, which protected the rights of females, as the clerics sought to institute Shariah (Islamic) laws in an 'Islamic Republic'. The historical record reveals that the precipitous legal transformation from secular to Shariah law under Ayatollah Khomeini's personal tutelage placed females in a dangerous predicament. Regressive gender policies, however, served to mobilize females to push back against the new social paradigm which had emerged under the rubric of Velayat-e-Fiqh. This article examines this misogynistic trajectory during Khomeini's rule and how it served to galvanize many Iranian women to 'gender activism'. Adapted from the source document.