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International audience ; The separation of Church and State that led to the 1905 law, whose centenary we are celebrating this year, has been the subject of much research in religious history. This paper proposes to take a point of view that has not been widely adopted in France until now: that of Catholic women united in a mass organisation, the Patriotic League of French Women. Gender history offers new perspectives for analysing secularism whose contemporaries of the 1905 law did not fail to underline the different implications for women and men. This work aims to study secularism as a particular moment of mobilisation for conservative women. It focuses on a women's association founded in Paris in 1902 by a group of Catholic aristocrats against to the policies of the "radical" (center) government. ; Le processus de séparation de l'Eglise et de l'Etat qui a abouti à la loi de 1905 dont nous fêtons le centenaire cette année a fait l'objet de recherches nombreuses en histoire religieuse. Cette communication propose de prendre un point de vue peu adopté jusqu'ici en France : celui de femmes catholiques réunies dans une organisation de masse, la Ligue patriotique des Françaises. L'histoire du genre offre des perspectives nouvelles pour analyser un sujet – la laïcité – dont les contemporains de la loi de 1905 n'ont pas manqué de souligner les implications différentes pour les femmes et pour les hommes. Ce travail propose d'étudier la laïcité comme moment de mobilisation particulier pour les femmes conservatrices. Nous traiterons d'une association féminine fondée à Paris en 1902, par un groupe d'aristocrates catholiques hostiles à la politique du gouvernement radical.

As part of this book, which looks at relations between image and power, the real influential struggle that has taken place, around the cinema, the Church and the supporters of secularism in France, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, is particularly symptomatic of the media's recognised propaganda power, well before any totalitarian state took over it. But let's start with the actors involved in this influence struggle, and their relationship to the image at the time of the birth of the cinema at the end of the nineteenth century. First, the Catholic Church. The Catholic religion is characterised by an ambiguous relationship to the image, in opposition, for example, to Orthodox Christians. While Catholics fear divine representation, the image has always been used throughout history as a privileged educational vector. From the 19th century, the icon was thus used as a 'bible for illiteracy'. The technical advances that mark the history of the image have always been integrated into the range of teaching tools used in the work of catechsis: the magic lantern, the print shop and thus the filmmaker. Thus, as soon as it has been developed, the animated image is used for the teaching of catechism, with the full approval of the religious authorities 1: educational films are therefore produced, illustrating the bible episodes, in full continuity with the use of fixed screenings. The question is more challenging about the inclusion of projections in preaching, which some priests claim in order to attract faithful to the offices. Some Catholics approve and encourage them, such as George-Michel Coissac, who wrote in 1903, how many examples could we cite of priests who have, by this means alone, succeeded in making genuine spiritual resurrections in their parishes? 2. But many others are revolutionised by these methods and call for a decision by the ecclesiastical authorities in this area. This 1, however, does not rule out the possibility that the filmmaker, as a show, has been rejected by a number of ...

Contemporary discussions of secularism in India have been constrained by the tradition-modern (western) dichotomy. For some, secularism is originally a Christian doctrine adapted to modern western conditions, & means the strict separation of church & state. It is also predominantly a single-value doctrine, motivated either by liberty (as in the United states) or equality of citizenship (as in France) more suited to single-religion societies than to the socio-cultural context of India where it is more appropriate to rely on resources of multiple & indigenous religious traditions for the sake of quite different values of peace & toleration. Others argue that India has the civilizational resource from which to retrieve its own conception of secularism captured best by the phrase 'sarva dharma samb-hava' (equal respect for all religions). I argue instead that India has worked out a distinctive conception of the secular that was at once Indian & modern. This remains a practical conception rather than a coherent doctrine or theory, & can thus be called Indian secularism only by extension. This conception builds on traditional resources as well as on the legacy of the British colonial state but innovatively transforms them. Many distinctive features characterize it. First, it deals simultaneously with inter-religious & intra-religious domination. Second, it has an explicit multi-value character. Third, it rejects strict separation. Separation does not mean exclusion or strict neutrality but what I call principled distance. Fourth, it implies neither respectful indifference nor active hostility but respectful transformation of religion. In short, secularism inherits the tradition of religious reform that began in India both prior to the advent of colonial modernity & because of a critical engagement with it. Finally, Indian secularism is an ethically-sensitive practical settlement & less a scientific, rationalist doctrine worked out by ideologues & implemented by political agents. Adapted from the source document.

Turkey is the only Muslim country in which laicism is enshrined in the constitution. State, politics & in Turkey are for the most part secularized. Moreover, Islam in Turkey has been politicized in two distinct ways: the state, in order to secularize the population, homogenize different ethnical & confessional groups & preserve the country's territorial integrity propagating a republican & ethno-nationalist state Islam; & by & social groups! so as to break the Kemalist monopoly on the interpretation of Islam & end restrictions on religious freedom. On the whole, the Kemalist interpretation of laicism is authoritarian & undemocratic. The extent to which it can serve as a model for other Muslim countries is therefore limited. Adapted from the source document.

There are today intense debates about Islam, secularism and democracy. The arguments raised by the various protagonists refer to implicit representations of the possible relationships between these three terms. They also refer to predetermined conceptions of the historical processes at work in contemporary Muslim societies. We might try to clarify the meaning given to each of these three terms and, consequently, take a new look at the concepts that are widely circulated in the contemporary debate. Adapted from the source document.

For non-European countries such as Turkey & Mexico, the move toward modernity has meant the adoption of the French model of secularism rather than the Anglo-Saxon process of secularization. Today, however, the emergence of public Islam, of Islam in the public space -- as exemplified by the debate about the veil in France as well as in Turkey -- represents a challenge for the Republic whose secular & mono-cultural foundation is questioned. The contemporary Turkish experience offers a good opportunity to analyze the complex & tensed relationship between Republican secularism & the Muslim presence & to stress the dangers of confusing the public space & the Republic. The Turkish candidacy to membership of the European Union has revived & amplified the debate: Does Europe want to be a system of boundaries aiming to protect her against what she considers as the "other," or does she want to show its political capacity to redraw these boundaries by projecting herself into the future? Adapted from the source document.

It is deeply misleading to consider the United States as a democratic regime under the supervision of Christian guidelines, for it is indeed a secular state the principles of which are clearly set out in the First Amendment to the Constitution. In fact, since the colonial period, two antagonistic rationales have constantly meshed: a spirit of religion aiming to place all aspects of life under the auspices of divine law, & a spirit of secularity regularly consolidated by Supreme Court jurisprudential progress. Seven major periods can be identified, each marked by the dominance of one tendency or the other. If at times the theocratic position has won out, it has always been thwarted by the reactivation of the secular perspective. The history of this ebb & glow teaches us that the current fundamentalist revival fits in line with a secular tradition. It also prompts us to seek the balancing element that has enabled this paradoxical combination to remain coherent. Civil religion provides a key to this enigma. It refers to three principles: respect for God, considered to preside over the country's destiny, the conviction that the republican model offers an example for all of humanity & the desire to defend its underlying values. This is how, beyond the potentially conflictual dimension of the theocratic-separatist mix, civil religion has made the theocratic aspiration of radical Protestants compatible with the separatist will of the partisans of a secular state. Adapted from the source document.