Suchergebnisse

In the history of Spanish constitutionalism, progressive texts have included several provisions of a secular character, as in the case of the draft federal Constitution of 1873 and, especially, the Republican Constitution of 1931 and the various regulations adopted during the Second Republic, as well as the period of the Sexenio Democrático, in contrast to the setback of the Restoration period and, particularly, the Franco period, during which Catholicism became the official State religion, as part of the special treatment which the Catholic Church obtained in its relations with the State. The current Constitution of 1978 restored the secular spirit of the Republican period within a framework of respectful relations with the Catholic Church. In this context, the successive democratic governments have devised their educational policies, in which secular principles have depended on the political colour of the various cabinets and the distribution of parliamentary seats, against the background of the agreements between the Spanish State and the Holy See of 1979. ; En la historia del constitucionalismo español, los textos progresistas contemplan diversas disposiciones de carácter laicista, como es el caso del proyecto de Constitución federal de 1873 y, especialmente, la Constitución republicana de 1931 y las distintas disposiciones legislativas aprobadas durante la II República, además de la etapa del Sexenio democrático, en contraposición con el retroceso que representa la época de la Restauración y particularmente el franquismo, en el que el catolicismo se convierte en la religión oficial del Estado, de acuerdo con el especial tratamiento que consigue la Iglesia en sus relaciones con el Estado. La actual Constitución de 1978 retoma el espíritu laico de la etapa republicana en el marco de unas relaciones de respeto con la Iglesia católica. En este contexto, los gobiernos democráticos han elaborado sus políticas educativas, en las que los principios laicos dependen del color político de los gabinetes ministeriales y ...

En la historia del constitucionalismo español, los textos progresistas contemplan diversas disposiciones de carácter laicista, como es el caso del proyecto de Constitución federal de 1873 y, especialmente, la Constitución republicana de 1931 y las distintas disposiciones legislativas aprobadas durante la II República, además de la etapa del Sexenio democrático, en contraposición con el retroceso que representa la época de la Restauración y particularmente el franquismo, en el que el catolicismo se convierte en la religión oficial del Estado, de acuerdo con el especial tratamiento que consigue la Iglesia en sus relaciones con el Estado. La actual Constitución de 1978 retoma el espíritu laico de la etapa republicana en el marco de unas relaciones de respeto con la Iglesia católica. En este contexto, los gobiernos democráticos han elaborado sus políticas educativas, en las que los principios laicos dependen del color político de los gabinetes ministeriales y el reparto de escaños parlamentarios, en el marco de los Acuerdos entre el Estado y la Santa Sede de 1979. ; In the history of Spanish constitutionalism, progressive texts have included several provisions of a secular character, as in the case of the draft federal Constitution of 1873 and, especially, the Republican Constitution of 1931 and the various regulations adopted during the Second Republic, as well as the period of the Sexenio Democrático, in contrast to the setback of the Restoration period and, particularly, the Franco period, during which Catholicism became the official State religion, as part of the special treatment which the Catholic Church obtained in its relations with the State. The current Constitution of 1978 restored the secular spirit of the Republican period within a framework of respectful relations with the Catholic Church. In this context, the successive democratic governments have devised their educational policies, in which secular principles have depended on the political colour of the various cabinets and the distribution of parliamentary seats, against the background of the agreements between the Spanish State and the Holy See of 1979.

This paper proposes that Secularity is not only a political model that prescribes a separa-tion between the State & the Churches, but a model that entails a complete scheme of thought, a very intellectual project, which must be considered in contrast & opposition with other doctrines. In this way, the author offers a definition of the minimal content of a Secular project. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, the author vindicates the idea of a secular Ethics, proudly stressed as an independent domain facing the religious claims. This idea is shaped in a positive way & finds its foundation in the concept of human dignity. To achieve this goal, the paper analyses the idea of human dignity in its relationship with the concept of autonomy, following both of them since Picco della Mirandola's work to Immanuel Kant's philosophy. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines the legal & political justification for imposing restrictions to freedom of speech, just for the cause of protect communitarian religious belief. Through examination of some paradigmatic examples, the author makes the defense of a radical liberalism that entails the claim of a complete secular State. In this very, religious freedom must be seen as a negative liberty. Adapted from the source document.

Although Jose Ortega y Gasset's political thought shows clearly liberal-conservative tendencies, it was much criticised by the Spanish right wing, who rejected it on mainly religious grounds. His agnosticism, his defence of secularism & later his republicanism put off other right-wing thinkers, who were almost all Roman Catholic monarchists. However, it is impossible to understand the emergence of new traditions within the Spanish right wing without taking his intellectual contribution into account. References. Adapted from the source document.

We are living an Historical Time characterized by the international migrations. The arrival and permanence of people coming mainly from developing countries increasingly make clear that the current instruments to manage conflicts coming from modernity have difficulties to work with normality. Following the approach of change of paradigm of modernity as interpretation approach (1), i emphasize the three main indicators of multiculturality in Spain: use of populist arguments on the part of traditional political parties, bond between two processes of multiculturalidad: the multinationality and immigration, secularism or the management of religious pluralism (2). My final intention (3) is to underline how this debate also helps us to identify a new fracture within the UE between one more an opened (innovation) and closed (tradition) policy of immigration. In the end I will do a final balance transferring this dilemma between tradition and innovation in the new frame of immigration policies: the Hague program initiated in November of 2004. ; Estamos viviendo un Tiempo Histórico caracterizado por las migraciones internacionales. La llegada y permanencia de personas procedentes mayoritariamente de países en vías de desarrollo ponen cada vez más en evidencia que los instrumentos habituales para gestionar conflictos procedentes de la modernidad tienen dificultades para funcionar con normalidad. Siguiendo el enfoque de cambio de paradigma de la modernidad como enfoque para la interpretación (1), destaco los tres principales indicadores de multiculturalidad en España: uso de argumentos populistas por parte de partidos políticos tradicionales, vínculo entre dos procesos de multiculturalidad: la multinacionalidad y la inmigración, secularismo o la gestión del pluralismo religioso (2). Mi propósito final (3) es destacar cómo este debate nos ayuda también a identificar una nueva fractura dentro de la UE entre una política más abierta (innovación) y más cerrada (tradición) de inmigración. Al final haré un balance final trasladando este dilema entre tradición e innovación en el seno del nuevo marco de políticas de inmigración: el programa de la Haya, iniciado en noviembre de 2004.

After the enactment of the new Colombian Political Constitution in 1991, an immediate response was generated by the secularism option of the State, as a non denominational State, in which the Freedom of Religion in equal legal conditions was guaranteed. In the daily Colombian life since the XIX century it was considered a Christian nation for its customs, rites, and religious practices, the interference of the secular modern world was entering with naturalization papers, among a popular idiosyncrasy covered with expressions of popular religiosity and religious language. This new change immediately made the State institutions secular, especially public schools where the religion of yesteryear gave way to the education of values. As time passes, it is the government itself in its law 115 of 1994 which reintroduced values as an importance of integral formation in a person. It is considered that the individual in all his dimensions, religious or transcendent dimension being one of them. Therefore the government again takes into account the subject «Religion» as a mandatory and fundamental subject in the curriculum. This article tries to make a reenactment of this reality. ; Después de la promulgación de la nueva Constitución Política de Colombia, dada en 1991, la reacción inmediata la generó la opción laicista del Estado, como un Estado aconfesional, donde se garantizaba, en condiciones de igualdad legal, la libertad de cultos o libertad religiosa. Si bien, la cotidianidad de la vida colombiana, desde el siglo XIX, se consideraba toda ella cristiana por sus costumbres, ritos y prácticas religiosas, la ingerencia del mundo moderno secular ingresaba con carta de ciudadanía en medio de una idiosincrasia popular bañada de expresiones de religiosidad popular y lenguajes religiosos. El nuevo cambio inmediatamente laicizó las instituciones del Estado, en especial, la escuela pública donde la religión de antaño cedió paso a la educación en valores. Con el tiempo, es el mismo Estado, en su ley 115 de 1994, quien retoma el valor e importancia de la formación integral del sujeto: considerándolo en todas sus dimensiones, una de ellas, la dimensión religiosa o trascendente. Por lo tanto, el Estado volvió a considerar la materia de educación religiosa escolar como una asignatura obligatoria y fundamental. El presente artículo hace una aproximación a esta realidad.