Much scholarly attention has been given to the vast differences in understandings of theism throughout the history of the theological tradition. Rather less attention has been given to differences in understandings of atheism. That there are and have been such differences, however, is obvious. This may be seen in the contemporary context if we juxtapose the 'newly visible' atheisms of, for instance, Richard Dawkins and Slavoj Žižek. In previous work, I and several other scholars have drawn attention to the ways in which the existence of different forms of atheism may be explained by the fact that they are responding to and negating very different forms of theism. But there may well be more at stake in differences between atheisms than this.
La Antropología se ha ido consolidando en España como disciplina científica a lo largo de los últimos cuarenta años, siendo la religión uno de los campos que más ha crecido entre los estudios antropológicos. En este artículo se presenta un recorrido histórico por la Antropología española, acercándonos a las investigaciones que sobre el fenómeno religioso se han llevado a cabo. Para ello, partiremos de las décadas de los años 70 y 80 con la llegada de la democracia a España y el resurgir de la Antropología como disciplina académica, cuando el catolicismo en su versión más popular y las fiestas a él vinculadas eran los temas más estudiados. Continuaremos por los años 90, en los que comienzan a proliferar una serie de investigaciones que ponen en conexión a la religión con otros ámbitos de investigación como la salud o la inmigración. Finalmente, ya en la época actual, el tema del pluralismo religioso, el laicismo, las relaciones entre religión y Estado, el diálogo interreligioso o la gestión de la diversidad religiosa, son los focos que están despertando mayor interés entre los antropólogos españoles. ; Anthropology has become consolidated as a scientific discipline in Spain over the last 30 years. Undoubtedly, the field of religion has been one of the areas of study that have most grown among anthropological studies. In this article, we survey Spanish Anthropology, approaching the research that has been conducted on religious phenomena . To do so, we start from the decades of the 70s and 80s with the arrival of democracy in Spain and the resurgence of Anthropology as an academic discipline. At that time, Catholicism in its most popular version and related festivals were the most studied topics. From the 90s, research began to proliferate, connecting religion to other areas as health or immigration. Finally, at present, the issues of religious pluralism, secularism, the relationship between religion and state, interreligion dialogue, and the management of religious diversity, are the most topics studied by Spanish anthropologists. ; - Grupo de investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada. - Área de Antropología Social. Universidad de Jaén. - Laborarorio de Antropología Social y Cultural (HUM-472). Universidad de Almería. - Departamento de Filosofía II. Universidad de Granada.
What is presented below is part of an investigation entitled "The potential of secular education in primary school" (2010, ISCEEM, Toluca, Mexico) based on the theory of the new cultural paradigm of Alain Touraine, as well as contributions of the main representatives of secularism such as Henri Peña, Jean Bauberot and Roberto Blancarte. For this article some reflections are presented regarding the theme of secularism in Mexican public education, its meaning, its interpretations, the cultural battles around it and, above all, its potentialities in citizen education in basic education. Its objective is to address the five most relevant aspects that secular training can provide and that, by far, exceed the benefits that any clericalism could grant in public education. It is concluded that said secularism promotes equality and the common good that are also the basis of democracy; In addition, promoting freedom of conscience enables agents to make decisions based on criticism and reflection, essential for democracy. ; Lo que se presenta a continuación forma parte de una investigación titulada "Las potencialidades de la educación laica en la escuela primaria" (2010, ISCEEM, Toluca, México) basada en la teoría del nuevo paradigma cultural de Alain Touraine, así como en los aportes de los principales representantes de la laicidad como son Henri Peña, Jean Bauberot y Roberto Blancarte. Para este artículo se presentan algunas reflexiones en torno al tema de la laicidad en la educación pública mexicana, su significado, sus interpretaciones, las batallas culturales en torno a ella y sobre todo, sus potencialidades en la formación ciudadana en la educación básica. Su objetivo consiste en abordar los cinco aspectos más relevantes que la formación en la laicidad puede proveer y que, por mucho, rebasan los beneficios que pudiera otorgar cualquier clericalismo en la educación pública. Se concluye que dicha laicidad promueve la igualdad y el bien común que son también base de la democracia; además, al promover la libertad de conciencia capacita a los agentes para la toma de decisiones basados en la crítica y la reflexión, indispensables para la democracia.
In most Western countries, a compulsory education system plays a key role in societal integration. This article discusses how the Norwegian model of education, its values base and religious education, contribute to integration in the broad sense. Approximately 98 per cent of all children between the ages of six and sixteen participate in a common, compulsory and public course of education regulated by a curriculum approved by the parliament. Both the schools' values base and the obligatory subject of religious education are best understood as contributions to integration in contemporary Norwegian society that is characterised by secularisation and disintegration of the Christian hegemony on the one hand, and by the emergence of cultural and religious diversity on the other. In this case, secularism is identified not with distance from religion but with equity towards religions, in education and in society, based on the assumption that everyone can unite around human rights, regardless of religious or cultural affiliation. ; This is an Author's Accepted Manuscript of an article published in Hovdelien, O. (2015). Education and Common Values in a Multicultural Society–The Norwegian Case. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 36(3), 306-319.[copyright Taylor & Francis], available online at: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/07256868.2015.1029887.
В статье рассмотрены взаимоотношения государства и конфессий в современном российском обществе. Автор указывает на проблемы в государственно-конфессиональных отношениях. Анализ данных отношений показал необходимость изменений, которые должны основываться на принципе светскости ; The article deals with the relationship between the state and religions in modern Russian society. The author points to the problems in the state-confessional relations. Analysis of these relations showed the need for changes that should be based on the principle of secularism.
Статья посвящена определению значения конфессиональной составляющей модернизации индийского общества. Детально рассматривается влияние принципов секуляризма и коммунализма на политическую систему страны. Особое внимание уделено анализу избирательной кампании 2009 г. по выборам в парламент Индии. ; The paper is concerned with value determination of confessional component in modernization of Indian society. The influence of secularism and communalisms principles on the countrys political system is considered in detail. Much attention is given to the analysis of parliamentary election campaign in 2009 in India.
International audience ; As a new heading of the Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord, this chronicle analyzes 1994 current events of North African immigrant population, in 6 sections: 1. social life ethnicization 2. the citienship and secularism imbroglio 3. Politics of immigration 4. Politics of integration 5. Muslim organizations and Youth Islam 6. Fever about Islamism ; Nouvelle rubrique de l'Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord 1994, cette chronique présente l'actualité de l'immigration maghrébine en France en 6 sections: 1. L'ethnicisation de la vie sociale ; 2. Citoyenneté, laïcité : l'imbroglio ; 3. Immigration : Empêcher, contrôler, chasser ; 4. Intégration : une politique en jachère ; 5. Les organisations islamiques de France en 1994 et le dynamisme de l'"islam jeune" ; 6. Islamisme : la fièvre hexagonale.
International audience ; As a new heading of the Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord, this chronicle analyzes 1994 current events of North African immigrant population, in 6 sections: 1. social life ethnicization 2. the citienship and secularism imbroglio 3. Politics of immigration 4. Politics of integration 5. Muslim organizations and Youth Islam 6. Fever about Islamism ; Nouvelle rubrique de l'Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord 1994, cette chronique présente l'actualité de l'immigration maghrébine en France en 6 sections: 1. L'ethnicisation de la vie sociale ; 2. Citoyenneté, laïcité : l'imbroglio ; 3. Immigration : Empêcher, contrôler, chasser ; 4. Intégration : une politique en jachère ; 5. Les organisations islamiques de France en 1994 et le dynamisme de l'"islam jeune" ; 6. Islamisme : la fièvre hexagonale.
International audience ; As a new heading of the Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord, this chronicle analyzes 1994 current events of North African immigrant population, in 6 sections: 1. social life ethnicization 2. the citienship and secularism imbroglio 3. Politics of immigration 4. Politics of integration 5. Muslim organizations and Youth Islam 6. Fever about Islamism ; Nouvelle rubrique de l'Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord 1994, cette chronique présente l'actualité de l'immigration maghrébine en France en 6 sections: 1. L'ethnicisation de la vie sociale ; 2. Citoyenneté, laïcité : l'imbroglio ; 3. Immigration : Empêcher, contrôler, chasser ; 4. Intégration : une politique en jachère ; 5. Les organisations islamiques de France en 1994 et le dynamisme de l'"islam jeune" ; 6. Islamisme : la fièvre hexagonale.
his thesis analyses whether a legislative ban on wearing a headscarf breaches the right to freedom of religion, as such right is universally understood. It describes the ambit of the right to freedom of religion by examining the theoretical justification and importance of the right and thereafter analysing how the right is recognised in international and regional treaties and domestic constitutions. It demonstrates that religious freedom comprises of the right to hold a religion and the right to manifest a religion in the form of worship, observance, practice and teaching. Religious freedom, however, is not absolute and the thesis explains in the light of international and comparative case-law that the right to freedom of religion may be limited by a law that pursues a legitimate state interest and is reasonable. In light of this theoretical framework the thesis examines the practice of Muslim women wearing a headscarf and argues that the practice constitutes a manifestation of Islamic belief protected by the right to freedom of religion. Thereafter this thesis examines French, Turkish and German prohibitions on wearing a headscarf, the effect of these laws on Muslim women and the justifications furnished for such laws. It is argued that the state interest of preserving secularism relied upon to justify a headscarf ban is not legitimate and does not justify a headscarf ban. Furthermore, even where the state has a legitimate interest in preventing the coercion of young girls, promoting the equality rights of women and maintaining safety and order, a headscarf ban does not constitute a reasonable limitation of religious freedom. Ultimately, this thesis argues that a headscarf ban exacerbates the problems it is meant to solve and constitutes an unjustifiable infringement of religious freedom.
Internal fighting, coup d 'états, the triumph of secularism under the Ba'th, and the leading role of the 'alawi minority, caused the Islamic fundamentalist opposition. It was first led by the Muslim Brothers, and later other groups participated. The islamiyyun's basic aspiration is to end secularism, stop the leading role of the 'alawis over the sunni majority, and to establish an Islamic State, in which the Shari'a would be fully applied. The means the fundamentalists have used are violence, terrorism, and the armed opposition. Class struggles and the antagonism city-rural areas, are other manifestations of the major framework of the conflict. ; Las luchas internas, los golpes de Estado, el triunfo del secularismo con el Ba't y el papel preponderante de la minoría 'alawí ocasionaron la oposición de los fundamentalistas musulmanes, primero de los Hermanos Musulmanes, luego participaron otros grupos. La aspiración básica de los islamistas es acabar con el secularismo, con el predominio de los 'alawíes sobre la mayoría sunní y fundar un Estado islámico donde se aplique la šaria. Los medios que han utilizado los fundamentalistas son la violencia, el terrorismo y la lucha armada. Estos enfrentamientos se han manifestado también en la lucha de clases y en el antagonismo ciudad-campo.
In recent years the nature of secularism and the rights of religious minorities have come to the fore as issues in debates concerning citizenship, multiculturalism and immigration, both in Canada and the European Union. Unlike earlier campaigns of secularization, these recent discourses of secularisation concern not only the institutional separation of Church and State but seek to protect modern secular society from the perceived threat of various externally rooted religious threats through the secularisation of subjects within public spaces. In an attempt to more fully understand this new form of secularisation, the consequences it has had and the debates it has generated in both Canada and the EU, the proposed paper will proceed on four fronts. First, it will outline the earlier discourses and practices of secularisation. Second, the article will posit that we are presently witnessing a different discourse of secularisation, one that is distinct from this earlier form. Third, the article will offer a critique of both discourses, arguing that both involve the deployment of essentialised conceptions of the religious, the secular, and their interaction. Fourth, an alternative approach will be offered, one that seeks to denaturalise the aforementioned categories. The article argues that it is only in this manner that a space and possibility for genuine dialogue concerning secularism and religious pluralism in Canada and the EU can be created.
Las luchas internas, los golpes de Estado, el triunfo del secularismo con el Ba't y el papel preponderante de la minoría 'alawí ocasionaron la oposición de los fundamentalistas musulmanes, primero de los Hermanos Musulmanes, luego participaron otros grupos. La aspiración básica de los islamistas es acabar con el secularismo, con el predominio de los 'alawíes sobre la mayoría sunní y fundar un Estado islámico donde se aplique la šaria. Los medios que han utilizado los fundamentalistas son la violencia, el terrorismo y la lucha armada. Estos enfrentamientos se han manifestado también en la lucha de clases y en el antagonismo ciudad-campo. ; Internal fighting, coup d 'états, the triumph of secularism under the Ba'th, and the leading role of the 'alawi minority, caused the Islamic fundamentalist opposition. It was first led by the Muslim Brothers, and later other groups participated. The islamiyyun's basic aspiration is to end secularism, stop the leading role of the 'alawis over the sunni majority, and to establish an Islamic State, in which the Shari'a would be fully applied. The means the fundamentalists have used are violence, terrorism, and the armed opposition. Class struggles and the antagonism city-rural areas, are other manifestations of the major framework of the conflict. .
The Ghadar movement is framed by scholars variously as socialist or proto-communist, anarchist, secular or religious nationalist. These theoretical frames developed in the European historical contexts to oppose liberalism and modernism. Framing historical experiences of colonialism and resistance to it by using theories developed in radically different conditions of European capitalism and Enlightenment, disrupts history-writing and the historical consciousness of people in the Third World. This paper examines the historical consciousness that guided Ghadar resistance to colonial rule. How are we to understand the distinction between system and 'lifeworld' that Jurgen Habermas makes in a context where the 'system' is capitalist /imperialist/ modernist and the 'lifeworld' is South Asian/ Indian Enlightenment/ colonial? What was the 'lifeworld' of the Ghadar leaders that informed their understanding of nationalism and state, secularism and religion, liberation and justice? Theories contribute to creating historical consciousness and identity by showing us a view of the world that we can identify with, by providing a sense of continuity with the past. Disruption of South Asia's historical consciousness has had profound consequences for the people of the subcontinent. This paper locates the Ghadar movement in the structural transformations of South Asia after the end of the First War of Independence in 1857 known as the Great Ghadar. The paper takes common theoretical lenses used to analyse the Ghadar movement in academic scholarship: secular and ethno-religious nationalism, anarchism and socialism as its point of departure to sketch the theoretical and philosophical routes through which Ghadar leaders arrived at comparable values and political positions. It shows how they could be secular, religious, anarchist and socialist simultaneously. The Ghadar movement is important because it is the last major resistance movement that saw South Asia through South Asian lenses and attempted to address problems of colonialism and national independence in ways that was consistent with Indian historical consciousness and cultural and intellectual traditions.
The Ghadar movement is framed by scholars variously as socialist or protocommunist, anarchist, secular or religious nationalist. These theoretical frames developed in the European historical contexts to oppose liberalism and modernism.Framing historical experiences of colonialism and resistance to it by using theories developed in radically different conditions of European capitalism and Enlightenment, disrupts history-writing and the historical consciousness of people in the Third World. This article examines the historical consciousness that guided Ghadar resistance to colonial rule. How are we to understand the distinction between system and "lifeworld" that Jurgen Habermas makes in a context where the "system" is capitalist /imperialist/ modernist and the "lifeworld" is South Asian/ Indian Enlightenment/ colonial? What was the "lifeworld" of the Ghadar leaders that informed their understanding of nationalism and state, secularism and religion, liberation and justice? Theories contribute to creating historical consciousness and identity by showing us a view of the world that we can identify with, by providing a sense of continuity with the past. Disruption of South Asia's historical consciousness has had profound consequences for the people of the subcontinent. This article locates Ghadar consciousness in the structural transformations of South Asia after the end of the First War of Independence in 1857 known as the Great Ghadar. The paper takes common theoretical lenses used to analyse the Ghadar movement in academic scholarship: secular and ethno-religious nationalism, anarchism and socialism as its point of departure to sketch the theoretical and philosophical routes through which Ghadar leaders arrived at comparable values and political positions. It shows how they could be secular, religious, anarchist and socialist simultaneously. The Ghadar movement is important because it is the last major resistance movement that saw South Asia through South Asian lenses and attempted to address problems of colonialism and national independence in ways that was consistent with Indian historical consciousness and cultural and intellectual traditions.
