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In France, research in history and political philosophy has produced a body of knowledge describing the values and principles that are at the heart of the « republican model of integration ». However, this work has been theoretical and conceptual in nature such that we have in fact very little knowledge about the psychological aspects of the republican model. This thesis is organized in three chapters that present in total seven distinct empirical studies It addressed two major questions: 1) What factors explain the strong support that is observed in France for the principle of republican equality and laïcité? and 2) what are the consequences of this support for prejudice and intergroup relations? In chapter one, the research confirms this strong endorsement of the republican principles among teachers in high schools (Study 1, N = 82) or among university students in widely different fields of study such as psychology (N = 72) or law (N = 234, Study 2). Using a measure of attachment to laïcité that is distinct from a measure of support for principles that are theoretically linked with laïcité, Study 2 showed, for the first time to our knowledge, the distinction between two types of laïcité: an historic laïcité based on freedom of conscience and equality of respects for all beliefs and a new laïcité that emphasizes the need for keep religion private and to ban conspicuous religious signs from public places. In chapter two, three studies examined the psychological motives underlying attachment to the republican principles. As expected, it was shown first, among a representative sample of the French population (N = 1001), that support for republican equality and new laïcité are two variables that explain variance in antiimmigrant prejudice over and above factors that are usually considered in sociology or social psychology. Moreover, whereas egalitarian individuals are usually more supportive of these principles compared to inegalitarians, the results also showed that people who wish to maintain group-based ...

In France, research in history and political philosophy has produced a body of knowledge describing the values and principles that are at the heart of the « republican model of integration ». However, this work has been theoretical and conceptual in nature such that we have in fact very little knowledge about the psychological aspects of the republican model. This thesis is organized in three chapters that present in total seven distinct empirical studies It addressed two major questions: 1) What factors explain the strong support that is observed in France for the principle of republican equality and laïcité? and 2) what are the consequences of this support for prejudice and intergroup relations? In chapter one, the research confirms this strong endorsement of the republican principles among teachers in high schools (Study 1, N = 82) or among university students in widely different fields of study such as psychology (N = 72) or law (N = 234, Study 2). Using a measure of attachment to laïcité that is distinct from a measure of support for principles that are theoretically linked with laïcité, Study 2 showed, for the first time to our knowledge, the distinction between two types of laïcité: an historic laïcité based on freedom of conscience and equality of respects for all beliefs and a new laïcité that emphasizes the need for keep religion private and to ban conspicuous religious signs from public places. In chapter two, three studies examined the psychological motives underlying attachment to the republican principles. As expected, it was shown first, among a representative sample of the French population (N = 1001), that support for republican equality and new laïcité are two variables that explain variance in antiimmigrant prejudice over and above factors that are usually considered in sociology or social psychology. Moreover, whereas egalitarian individuals are usually more supportive of these principles compared to inegalitarians, the results also showed that people who wish to maintain group-based ...

Este ensayo trata el tema de la laicidad, tomando como punto de partida el debate francés, que nuevamente ha trascendido las fronteras europeas, específicamente tras las contradicciones entre el presidente de esa República y el ministro de cultos de ese país, en materia de administrar públicamente la diversidad religiosa. A partir de allí, se pretende caracterizar lo que sería un Estado laico, para desembocar en la importancia de una educación pluralista e intercultural, que no privilegie confesión alguna, pero que le dé cabida a todas desde el punto de vista de la enseñanza-aprendizaje de una cultura religiosa, capaz de fomentar valores éticos y críticos, en pro de la democracia y el bien común de los ciudadanos.Cómo citar este artículo: SANABRIA-S., Fabián, "La laicidad: un requisito para la educación pluralista", Revista Educación y Pedagogía, Medellín, Universidad de Antioquia, Facultad de Educación, vol. XVIII, núm. 44, (enero-abril), 2006, pp. 51-60.Recibido: octubre 2005Aceptado: enero 2006 ; The topic of this essay is secularism, taking as a starting point the French debate which has once again transcended European frontiers more specifically behind contradictions between the president of such republic and the minister of cults of that country, in regards to publicly administer religious diversity. That's the starting point to characterize what a secular state would be, to land on the importance of a pluralist and intercultural education which doesn't privilege any kind of confession but which gives room to all, from the point of view of teaching-learning of a religious culture able to foster ethical and critical values in favor of democracy and the well-being of all citizens.How to reference this article: SANABRIA-S., Fabián, "La laicidad: un requisito para la educación pluralista", Revista Educación y Pedagogía, Medellín, Universidad de Antioquia, Facultad de Educación, vol. XVIII, núm. 44, (enero-abril), 2006, pp. 51-60.Received: october 2005Accepted: january 2006 ; Cet essai porte sur le sujet de la laïcité, en prenant comme point de départ le débat français, qui a franchi récemment les frontières européennes, notamment, lors des contradictions entre le président de cette République et du ministre de cultes de ce pays, en matière d'administration publique de la diversité religieuse. À partir de là, on prétend caractériser ce que serait un État laïque, pour insister sur l'importance d'une éducation pluraliste et interculturelle, ne privilégiant aucune confession, mais accordant une place à toutes du point de vue de l'enseignement et de l'apprentissage d'une culture religieuse, capable de favoriser des valeurs morales et critiques, pour la démocratie et le bien commun des citoyens.