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The paper begins displaying the main stages of the historical process that has led to the definitive distinction between religious authority and civil authority in Europe. After identifying the foundation of politics in the freedom of the Church; and the foundation of the State in religious freedom; the Author comes to two conclusions: the first is that Christianity played a key role in the birth and development of secularization. The second, which in his opinion deserves to be clarified and put to the test of the times, consists in the claim of relegating State and politics in the narrow limits of worldliness. The claim of excluding that State and politics have spiritual implications. He therefore intends to test the idea that the liberal state of law could resist, at the expense of the many lacerations that fragment its social body, without the help of principles and values which it could not justify. Considering the problem under this particular perspective, it is clear that two concepts that characterize the European tradition, such as the principle of tolerance and an "healthy secularism", could represent the keystone that allows us to overcome the implicit contradictions and the unresolved tensions which still cross our post-modern and secular society. ; Il testo prende le mosse dall'esposizione delle principali tappe del processo storico che ha portato alla definitiva distinzione tra autorità religiosa e autorità mondana in Europa. Dopo aver identificato il fondamento della politica nella la libertà della Chiesa; ed il fondamento dello Stato nella libertà religiosa; l'Autore giunge a due ordini di conclusioni: la prima è che il cristianesimo ha giocato un ruolo fondamentale nell'avvio e nello sviluppo della secolarizzazione. La seconda, che a suo avviso merita di essere chiarita e messa alla prova dei tempi, consiste nella pretesa di relegare lo Stato e la politica negli angusti confini della mondanità, ovvero, nella pretesa di escludere che Stato e politica abbiano implicazioni spirituali. Egli intende ...

Western nihilism could be considered as the result of secularization, and secularization as the horizon of Western philosophy. The dynamics of contemporary society coincides with the process of self-affirmation of man, and this idea moves together with the progressive abandonment of the reference to the transcendence. The main reason for this process of secularization is the disappointment of a missed salvation. So, time has changed its direction, and today we can see the triumph of a new carpe diem. But the destination of man is being able to live in a changing, uncertain, unknown time, knowing in advance that this uncertainty could be his real fate. ; Western nihilism could be considered as the result of secularization, and secularization as the horizon of Western philosophy. The dynamics of contemporary society coincides with the process of self-affirmation of man, and this idea moves together with the progressive abandonment of the reference to the transcendence. The main reason for this process of secularization is the disappointment of a missed salvation. So, time has changed its direction, and today we can see the triumph of a new carpe diem. But the destination of man is being able to live in a changing, uncertain, unknown time, knowing in advance that this uncertainty could be his real fate.

The paper begins displaying the main stages of the historical process that has led to the definitive distinction between religious authority and civil authority in Europe. After identifying the foundation of politics in the freedom of the Church; and the foundation of the State in religious freedom; the Author comes to two conclusions: the first is that Christianity played a key role in the birth and development of secularization. The second, which in his opinion deserves to be clarified and put to the test of the times, consists in the claim of relegating State and politics in the narrow limits of worldliness. The claim of excluding that State and politics have spiritual implications. He therefore intends to test the idea that the liberal state of law could resist, at the expense of the many lacerations that fragment its social body, without the help of principles and values which it could not justify. Considering the problem under this particular perspective, it is clear that two concepts that characterize the European tradition, such as the principle of tolerance and an "healthy secularism", could represent the keystone that allows us to overcome the implicit contradictions and the unresolved tensions which still cross our post-modern and secular society.

The aim of this essay is to examine the connection between contemporary debates on political secularism and institutional arrangements between State and religions on one hand, and, on the other, on secularization theory and its latest 'rebirth': postsecularism. Analysing the link between the theories and concept of postsecular society and the debate on political secularism and its institutional forms and practices allows to understand the multidimensionality of the latter in its very latest theorisations and realizations.

The descent of the Napoleonic army in Italy led to the assimilation of revolutionary legislation by the Républiques soeurs. Even in the Roman context, the law no longer recognized "neither religious votes nor any commitment contrary to the natural rights of man". The essay attempts an analysis of the social and political situation that served as background to this new and unseen context. It also shows the implications that the secularization of religious women had on the female individual, through the biographical example of a doomed nun during the first papal restoration, which process is reported in the appendix. The values spread by French revolution represented the beginning of a new era, where women felt empowered to assert their free will.

Mandatory clerical celibacy for all clergy within catholic countries in the Ancien Régime has been discussed since the beginning of the Christian church. During the eighteenth century, this aspect of ecclesiastical discipline was increasingly taken into consideration from a political rather than strictly theological point of view. The purpose of this thesis is to reconstruct the creation, development and dissemination in Europe of a new way - secular and lay – of considering the obligation of the clergy to be unmarried that arose from the "crisis of the European conscience" and developed thanks to radical Enlightenment. Through the research, analysis and study of philosophical and political literature, with particular regard to France and Italy, this thesis reconstructs the debate on clerical celibacy which arose within the European Republic of Letters from the late seventeenth century up until the French Revolution, when the secularization of marriage, among many other consequences, also allowed secular and regular clergy, women and men to get married. This approach has made it possible to account for the complexity of a debate that underlies the problem of the relationship between church and state and the articulation of the different ideological positions: from radical critics denouncing celibacy as a political instrument to preserve the priestly power to moderate criticism focused on negative economic and demographic consequences arising from celibacy; from the approach of observers inside the church – clerics or experts in canon law - who proposed cautious reforms to the complete refusal of the conservatives who saw celibacy as an undeniable cornerstone of the ecclesiastical order. This dialectic developed around two major themes. The policy approach encompassed problems such as the role of the clergy in society, the economic and social consequences of ecclesiastical discipline, the powers of the sovereign on celibacy. But secularization of the celibacy issue was also the result of the demystification of the moral superiority of chastity: next to the political point of view, there was also a discourse on the relationship between chastity and human body, between discipline and the rights of nature. The accusations levelled against chastity and celibacy by revolutionaries, the issue concerning "married priests" and many criticisms that still invest ecclesiastical celibacy have their roots in the eighteenth-century debate and the secular emancipation of the critical perspective from which radical Enlightenment started to consider the church and its rules.

Egypt is the only country of the Arab world which is located between two continents (Africa & Asia). Its geographical position & its demographic size as well lead Egypt to playa traditionally relevant geo-political & socio-economic role both in the Arab world & in the Mediterranean Basin. The objective of this study is to review the extent & the pace of fertility transition (& its policy implications) involving the country. The moderate diffusion of a spread education, the urbanization of only some areas mainly located in the Northern part of the country, the still limited female participation in the labor market, are all aspects that have influenced the Egyptian stagnant fertility decline. All these factors, together with the slow secularization of innovative reproductive behaviors, analyzed at the micro level as determinants of the propensity to have the third child in Egypt, seem to discriminate women's reproductive choices significantly. Our findings reveal, in fact, that despite Egypt's advanced stage of fertility transition, strong differences across the population strata still persist in the country. The demographic, cultural & socio-economic evolution seems, indeed, to be a phenomenon still quite differentiated among the social subgroups. Therefore, possible policies adopted by the Government, should necessarily involve a reduction of the existing inequalities among the segments of the population. References. Adapted from the source document.

L'articolo affronta nelle parte introduttiva una comparazione tra il processo di secolarizzazione intervenuto in Italia a partire dalla seconda metà degli anni '60, in cui si assiste ad un periodo di profonda trasformazione e all''affermarsi di una società destinata a cambiare repentinamente in virtù delle grandi riforme sul fronte dei diritti civili e sociali, e quanto invece iniziato in Irlanda negli ultimi vent'anni. Quella irlandese, da sempre definita fra le Nazioni più cattoliche e conservatrici al mondo, infatti, attraverso una serie di eventi di carattere politico istituzionale, ha avviato solo di recente un processo di trasformazione verso una nuova definizione dell'identità nazionale, dopo secoli di egemonia culturale cattolica. A testimonianza di tale processo, il lavoro analizza nel proseguo il referendum costituzionale con cui la popolazione irlandese è stata chiamata alle urne per l'abrogazione dell'ottavo emendamento della Costituzione che, introdotto con il referendum del 1983, rendeva di fatto illegale l'aborto. La questione dell'aborto, oggetto da sempre di acceso confronto tra le parti in campo, è ricostruita nelle sue tappe fondamentali fino al referendum costituzionale del 28 maggio 2008 il cui esito positivo ha condotto alla possibilità di immettere nel Paese una legge sulla regolamentazione volontaria della gravidanza permettendo, di conseguenza, un altro passo decisivo nel processo di secolarizzazione, ed una conferma della perdita di influenza della Chiesa cattolica sulla società e le istituzioni, dopo che il referendum del 1995 aveva introdotto il divorzio e quello del 2015, dichiarato ammissibili i matrimoni egualitari. ; The paper deals with the introductory part a comparison between the secularization process that took place in Italy starting from the second half of the '60s, in which there is a period of profound transformation and the affirmation of a company destined to change suddenly in virtue of major reforms on civil and social rights, and what has begun in Ireland in the last twenty years. The Irish, which has always been defined among the most Catholic and conservative nations in the world, in fact, through a series of events of an institutional political nature, has only recently begun a process of transformation towards a new definition of national identity, after centuries of Catholic cultural hegemony. However, the second part, with regard to the Irish experience it is specifically addressed the constitutional referendum which the people was called to vote on the repeal of the eighth amendment of the Constitution, introduced with the 1983 referendum, which made in fact abortion illegal. Abortion issue, object of an increasing heated debate between the parties in the field, it is rebuilt in its fundamental stages, until reaching the constitutional referendum of 28 May 2008. The positive outcome referendum has led to the possibility of introducing a law on the country allowing voluntary regulation of pregnancy, therefore, another decisive step in the process of secularization, and a confirmation of the loss of influence of the Catholic Church on society and institutions after the referendum which in 1995 introduced the divorce and that in 2015 declared egalitarian marriages admissible.