Suchergebnisse

The rapid development of information technology and the problem of its rapid implementation in all spheres of public life, the growing importance of information in management decisions to be made by public authorities, a new format of media — these and other factors urge the problem of developing and implementing quality state information security policy. The aim of the article was to conduct a comparative analysis of the latest practices of improving public information security policies in the European Union, as well as European countries such as Poland, Germany, Great Britain, and Ukraine. The formal-logic, system-structural and problem-theoretical methods were the leading methodological tools. The analysis of regulatory legal acts showed that there is a single concept of international information security at the global and regional levels, which requires additional legal instruments for its implementation. It is stated that the reform of national information security policies has a direct impact on the formation of a single global information space. According to the results of the study, it is substantiated that the United Kingdom is characterized by the most promising information security policy.

El nuevo mandato del presidente Uribe se constituye enuna oportunidad para efectuar una revisiÛn del impacto quela adopciÛn y la implementaciÛn de la PolÌtica de Seguri-dad Democr·tica ha tenido en las din·micas y relacionesdel Estado con las organizaciones armadas ilegales.De acuerdo con un conjunto de tendencias que se han idoperfilando a lo largo del ?ltimo aÒo el autor analiza cÛmola implementaciÛn de esta PolÌtica ha afectado las relacio-nes entre el Estado Colombiano y los grupos armados ile-gales, teniendo en cuenta los nuevos retos y los cambiosnecesarios para su sostenibilidad a medio plazo. ; The new mandate of president Uribe has constituted an opportunity to carry out a revision ofthe impact that the adoption and the implementation of the Policy of Democratic Security hashad in the dynamics and relations of the State with the illegal armed organizations.According to a set of tendencies that have been outlined over the last year the author analyzeshow the implementation of this Policy has affected the relations between the Colombian stateand the illegal armed groups, considering the new challenges and the necessary changes forits sustainability in the mid term.

The new mandate of president Uribe has constituted an opportunity to carry out a revision of the impact that the adoption and the implementation of the Policy of Democratic Security has had in the dynamics and relations of the State with the illegal armed organizations. According to a set of tendencies that have been outlined over the last year the author analyzes how the implementation of this Policy has affected the relations between the Colombian state and the illegal armed groups, considering the new challenges and the necessary changes for its sustainability in the mid term. ; El nuevo mandato del presidente Uribe se constituye en una oportunidad para efectuar una revisión del impacto que la adopción y la implementación de la Política de Seguridad Democrática ha tenido en las dinámicas y relaciones del Estado con las organizaciones armadas ilegales. De acuerdo con un conjunto de tendencias que se han ido perfilando a lo largo del último año el autor analiza cómo la implementación de esta Política ha afectado las relaciones entre el Estado Colombiano y los grupos armados ilegales, teniendo en cuenta los nuevos retos y los cambios necesarios para su sostenibilidad a medio plazo

The new mandate of president Uribe has constituted an opportunity to carry out a revision of the impact that the adoption and the implementation of the Policy of Democratic Security has had in the dynamics and relations of the State with the illegal armed organizations. According to a set of tendencies that have been outlined over the last year the author analyzes how the implementation of this Policy has affected the relations between the Colombian state and the illegal armed groups, considering the new challenges and the necessary changes for its sustainability in the mid term. ; El nuevo mandato del presidente Uribe se constituye en una oportunidad para efectuar una revisión del impacto que la adopción y la implementación de la Política de Seguridad Democrática ha tenido en las dinámicas y relaciones del Estado con las organizaciones armadas ilegales. De acuerdo con un conjunto de tendencias que se han ido perfilando a lo largo del último año el autor analiza cómo la implementación de esta Política ha afectado las relaciones entre el Estado Colombiano y los grupos armados ilegales, teniendo en cuenta los nuevos retos y los cambios necesarios para su sostenibilidad a medio plazo

The beginning of modern history and the subsequent war in Bosnia and Herzegovina coincide with the institutional beginnings of the European Union common foreign and security policy. At that time, Europe did not have a single position, nor could it have achieved a political consensus on any issue. In addition, it lacked appropriate instruments, as well as readiness and willingness to actively engage to put an end to war in BiH. The war in BiH was stopped, however, thanks to the efforts of the United States. This was a crucial moment for Europe to modify its common foreign and security policy. The European Union has passed a thorny path of establishing common foreign and security policy. On this path, however, the EU has experienced some progress and achieved good results, although not sufficient, just as BiH has made some progress in reforms. In order for BiH to joint the family of modern democratic countries, it will need a stronger engagement of the European Union and its more decisive common foreign and security policy, because only together we can cope with global challenges. Peace and prosperity in Bosnia and Herzegovina will also help build free and stable Europe.

The article aimed to determine the role and place of the United States as a key factor influencing the definition of Western European security policy, in the context of existing threats. The research methodology was based on the determination of the general geopolitical situation in the countries of the European Union EU and the United States, a comprehensive analysis of existing risks, a graphical analysis of the total defense costs, an analysis of the main approaches to the security policy of the European Union, with a view to the influence of the United States. Everything indicates that the U.S. is basing its position on the construction of an autonomous system to ensure the defense capability of the European Union. It is concluded on the need to strengthen the EU security implementation system based on the expansion of military potential will enhance the capabilities of NATO, which will allow the U.S., radically respond to other global threats.

This paper measures the impact of strengthening the security policy on the rural labour market in Colombia by exploiting the structural change in the number of rural seizures. The new policy produced dissimilar effects across gender, age-groups, and types

The Democratic Security Policy was proposed as a line of action with the purpose of regaining control once and for all, on the part of the State, of those areas which were under the control of illegal armed groups. The recovery of national sovereignty in each of the municipalities in the country will be carried out by means of a plan to strengthen the armed forces, the application of justice, and with the cooperation of the community in compliance with the duty of solidarity and self-defense. The process of the recovery of national sovereignty will consist of three phases, namely: recovery, maintenance and consolidation. The consolidation stage will also be covered by the Integral Security Policy and Defense for Prosperity, of President Santos. The Democratic Security Policy rests on constitutional support such as the obligation on the part of the President of the Republic to conserve and recover public order, and the duty of citizens to collaborate with the authorities by reporting criminal acts. The Democratic Security Policy relies, on the other hand, on case-law support from the Constitutional Court, such as sentence C-572/97. However, this also generates tension with the constitutional requirements peculiar to a Social State of Law and with respect to International Humanitarian Law ; La Política de Seguridad Democrática se proponía como línea de acción, retomar el control definitivo por parte del Estado de aquellas zonas que se encontraban bajo la influencia de los grupos armados ilegales. La recuperación de la soberanía del Estado en cada uno de los municipios del país se haría a través, de una parte, de un plan de fortalecimiento de la fuerza pública y la administración de justicia y, de otra parte, con la participación de las comunidades en cumplimiento del deber de solidaridad y de legítima defensa. El proceso de recuperación de la soberanía nacional cubriría tres fases a saber: recuperación, mantenimiento y consolidación. La etapa de consolidación sería cubierta, también, por la Política Integral de Seguridad y Defensa para la Prosperidad, del Presidente Santos. La política de Seguridad Democrática se soportaba en respaldos constitucionales como la obligación del Presidente de conservar y recuperar el orden público y el deber de los ciudadanos de colaboración con las autoridades en cuanto a la denuncia de actos criminales. La política de Seguridad Democrática contaba con apoyos jurisprudenciales de la Corte Constitucional como la Sentencia de C- 572/97. Pero también generaba tensiones frente a los requerimientos constitucionales propios de un Estado social de Derecho y el respeto al Derecho Internacional Humanitario.

This article analyzes institutional, procedural, and behavioral attributes, principles, and indicators of typology of challenges and threats caused by the coronavirus pandemic in the world. The analysis shows that most countries faced external shocks caused by COVID-19 in the absence of a universal social protection system, a reliable health system, a plan to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050, or a stable real economy with quality jobs. Economic security has become an important priority, although this is not about social protection, but also about supporting strategic sectors of the economy. Balancing on the brink of the needfor socialprotection, on the one hand, and the rise of austerity, on the other, governments opted for severe economic restrictions. Thus, through the naaliticos method the authors describen the main geopolitical trends that will be the basis for the construction of a new world order that awaits us on the other side of the pandemic, including deglobalization, the geopolitical rise of China, the severe restrictions on human and civil rights, the intensification of the interstate armed forces, in context of growing conflicts and local protests.

Exploiting spatial and temporal variations in the number of seizures from criminal organizations, I estimate regional fixed effects models of the increase in the number of properties confiscated on the main crime rates. From 2002 security strategies chang

Este artículo formaliza a través de un mecanismo de principal-agente la política de seguridad democrática del Gobierno de Uribe, y muestra su relación con el incremento de las víctimas de ejecuciones extrajudiciales llamados "falsos positivos". El modelo explica las fallas de la política de seguridad democrática al compararla con una política contrafáctica alterna que involucre un nivel óptimo de auditoría a las unidades militares para evitar falsos positivos. Se encuentra que esta política contrafáctica aumentaría el bienestar de la sociedad. ; This article, through a principal-agent mechanism, constructs a model of the democratic security policy of the Uribe Government, and shows its relationship with the increase in victims of extra-judicial executions called "false positives". The model explains the failures of the democratic security policy by comparing it with an alternative counterfactual policy that involves an optimum level of audit of military units to avoid false positives. It was found that this counterfactual policy could increase the well-being of society.

This research uses Granger causality to test the correlation between defense spending and democratic security strategy of the first president Uribe Administration. Given the lack of a robust series of data about specific items of democratic security policy, we used the fiscal burden associated with the entities that spend specific items of the budget related with this specific policy. The econometric work shows no evidence of a relation of precedence from the public activity in defense to the economic growth or from economic performance to activities of defense. Using ordinary least squares we find that the levels of significance of sensibility of parameters grow with the size of lags, but with the reduced number of observations we avoid specifications that reduce the degrees of freedom and the results of the tests. In this case we found more robust results in the model with investment decisions as dependent variable that on growth. This is consistent with the argument that the defense conditions shocks first the investment decisions and then has an effect in the economic growth even when this shock is not clear for its long run nature and the effect of other variables on its trends. In the last section we present a model of one shot non cooperative games for the Colombian conflicto with incomplete information.This research uses Granger causality to test the correlation between defense spending anddemocratic security strategy of the first president Uribe Administration. Given the lack of arobust series of data about specific items of democratic security policy, we used the fiscalburden associated with the entities that spend specific items of the budget related with thisspecific policy. The econometric work shows no evidence of a relation of precedence fromthe public activity in defense to the economic growth or from economic performance to activitiesof defense. Using ordinary least squares we find that the levels of significance of sensibilityof parameters grow with the size of lags, but with the reduced number of observationswe avoid specifications that reduce the degrees of freedom and the results of the tests. In thiscase we found more robust results in the model with investment decisions as dependentvariable that on growth. This is consistent with the argument that the defense conditions shocksfirst the investment decisions and then has an effect in the economic growth even when thisshock is not clear for its long run nature and the effect of other variables on its trends. In the lastsection we present a model of one shot non cooperative games for the Colombian conflictwith incomplete information. ; En este estudio se utiliza la metodología de Granger para medir los efectos de relación y precedencia entre el gasto en defensa y la seguridad. Dado que no se dispone de una serie continua de datos que recojan los rubros específicos de la Política de Seguridad Democrática (PSD), se optó por utilizar como variable de interés la carga fiscal asociada a las entidades que en la clasificación del presupuesto general de la nación (PGN) aparecen como unidades ejecutoras del gasto, cuya destinación primordial son las actividades de defensa y seguridad. Se concluye que no hay suficiente soporte empírico para conceptuar sobre una relación de precedencia o causalidad en el sentido de Granger de la actividad pública en defensa y seguridad hacia las condiciones favorables de desempeño económico. Tampoco se halla soporte para el argumento opuesto de una causación de las variables del entorno económico hacia el gasto en defensa y seguridad. Analizando la significancia estadística de la relación entre las variables con modelos de regresión convencional se encontró que el nivel de confianza de las estimaciones de los parámetros de sensibilidad crece a medida que se amplían los rezagos, pero dado el número reducido de observaciones no se consideró adecuado hacer especificaciones que redujeran considerablemente los grados de libertad y en consecuencia la generalidad de resultados. En este caso se obtiene mayor robustez en el modelo aplicado sobre la inversión como variable dependiente que sobre el crecimiento, lo que es consistente con el argumento de que las condiciones de defensa y seguridad impactan primero a las decisiones de inversión y luego surten un efecto sobre el crecimiento económico, que es más difuso en la estimación estadística en razón a que sobre él converge el efecto de otras variables y porque en esencia es un fenómeno de largo plazo. También se hizo un intento de modelar el conflicto colombiano desde la perspectiva de la teoría de juegos simultáneos no cooperativos con información incompleta.

This research uses Granger causality to test the correlation between defense spending and democratic security strategy of the first president Uribe Administration. Given the lack of a robust series of data about specific items of democratic security policy, we used the fiscal burden associated with the entities that spend specific items of the budget related with this specific policy. The econometric work shows no evidence of a relation of precedence from the public activity in defense to the economic growth or from economic performance to activities of defense. Using ordinary least squares we find that the levels of significance of sensibility of parameters grow with the size of lags, but with the reduced number of observations we avoid specifications that reduce the degrees of freedom and the results of the tests. In this case we found more robust results in the model with investment decisions as dependent variable that on growth. This is consistent with the argument that the defense conditions shocks first the investment decisions and then has an effect in the economic growth even when this shock is not clear for its long run nature and the effect of other variables on its trends. In the last section we present a model of one shot non cooperative games for the Colombian conflicto with incomplete information.This research uses Granger causality to test the correlation between defense spending anddemocratic security strategy of the first president Uribe Administration. Given the lack of arobust series of data about specific items of democratic security policy, we used the fiscalburden associated with the entities that spend specific items of the budget related with thisspecific policy. The econometric work shows no evidence of a relation of precedence fromthe public activity in defense to the economic growth or from economic performance to activitiesof defense. Using ordinary least squares we find that the levels of significance of sensibilityof parameters grow with the size of lags, but with the reduced number of observationswe avoid specifications that reduce the degrees of freedom and the results of the tests. In thiscase we found more robust results in the model with investment decisions as dependentvariable that on growth. This is consistent with the argument that the defense conditions shocksfirst the investment decisions and then has an effect in the economic growth even when thisshock is not clear for its long run nature and the effect of other variables on its trends. In the lastsection we present a model of one shot non cooperative games for the Colombian conflictwith incomplete information. ; En este estudio se utiliza la metodología de Granger para medir los efectos de relación y precedencia entre el gasto en defensa y la seguridad. Dado que no se dispone de una serie continua de datos que recojan los rubros específicos de la Política de Seguridad Democrática (PSD), se optó por utilizar como variable de interés la carga fiscal asociada a las entidades que en la clasificación del presupuesto general de la nación (PGN) aparecen como unidades ejecutoras del gasto, cuya destinación primordial son las actividades de defensa y seguridad. Se concluye que no hay suficiente soporte empírico para conceptuar sobre una relación de precedencia o causalidad en el sentido de Granger de la actividad pública en defensa y seguridad hacia las condiciones favorables de desempeño económico. Tampoco se halla soporte para el argumento opuesto de una causación de las variables del entorno económico hacia el gasto en defensa y seguridad. Analizando la significancia estadística de la relación entre las variables con modelos de regresión convencional se encontró que el nivel de confianza de las estimaciones de los parámetros de sensibilidad crece a medida que se amplían los rezagos, pero dado el número reducido de observaciones no se consideró adecuado hacer especificaciones que redujeran considerablemente los grados de libertad y en consecuencia la generalidad de resultados. En este caso se obtiene mayor robustez en el modelo aplicado sobre la inversión como variable dependiente que sobre el crecimiento, lo que es consistente con el argumento de que las condiciones de defensa y seguridad impactan primero a las decisiones de inversión y luego surten un efecto sobre el crecimiento económico, que es más difuso en la estimación estadística en razón a que sobre él converge el efecto de otras variables y porque en esencia es un fenómeno de largo plazo. También se hizo un intento de modelar el conflicto colombiano desde la perspectiva de la teoría de juegos simultáneos no cooperativos con información incompleta.

The purpose of the article is to explain the liberal and realist discourses that underpinned the Canadian International Security Policy (CISP) during the post-Cold War. In particular, it offers evidence to show that Canadian governments inevitably debate between cosmopolitan values and strategic interests in formulating their respective policies of international security. After considering how liberal and realist orientations of this policy have been studied in the literature on CISP, it explains the specific liberal and realist discourses that have shaped international security policies of the governments of Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) and Stephen Harper (2006 -). As a final consideration, it intends to elucidate the progressive way in which the various Canadian governments have been adopting the United States' cosmopolitan values and interests regarding international security. ; El propósito del artículo consiste en explicar los discursos liberales y realistas que han sustentado la Política de Seguridad Internacional de Canadá (PSIC) durante la posguerra fría. En especial, se ofrecen evidencias orientadas a demostrar que los gobiernos canadienses se debaten inevitablemente entre valores cosmopolitas e intereses estratégicos, al formular sus respectivas políticas de seguridad internacional. Luego de considerar, en el seno de la literatura sobre la PSIC, cómo se han estudiado las orientaciones liberales y realistas de esta política, se explican los discursos liberales y realistas específicos que han configurado las políticas de seguridad internacional de los gobiernos de Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) y Stephen Harper (2006). Como una consideración final, se pretende dilucidar el modo progresivo en el que los distintos gobiernos canadienses han venido adoptando los intereses y valores cosmopolitas de Estados Unidos en materia de seguridad internacional.

Despite the end of the civil war and the democratic transition, El Salvador remains one of the most violent countries in the world. Post-war Salvadoran governments have struggled to implement security policies that emphasize repression and heavy-handed measures, despite their inefficiency and the fact that they contradict the peace accords and their focus on the security sector reform of 1992. This article analyses the connection between the security policy and the political regime that took shape in the post-war period, the elements that underpin the construction of gangs as an "internal enemy", and the effects of these policies on the modes of social order in El Salvador. ; publishedVersion