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This article presents an analysis of the main challenges that the paradigm of realism experiences in its security approach and introduces a theoretical basis for deepening and widening the security studies. The article also touches upon a significant impact that globalization has on changing security concept, especially in distinguishing transnational security threats. The changes in security studies have occurred in 20th century 70's and 80's, when realism theory comes to lose the dominant position. The state centric approach, exclusively based on external military threats was challenged by various post-structural, post-postmodern, and pluralist approaches that suggested to widen and to deepen security concept. Realism was not capable anymore to explain a range of security processes, and later, to predict the end of the Cold War. The other approaches that discussed new security threats, paid more attention to other analysis levels than national. Gradually non military security threats were included into security agendas of different states. Very soon security studies faced the problem that deepening and widening security concept can lead to an empty idea, that contains everything and at the same time nothing, and which can make security concept impossible for analysis. Transnational security threats are defined as non military threats that cross borders and either threatens the political and social integrity of a nation or the health of that nation's inhabitants.[.]

This article presents an analysis of the main challenges that the paradigm of realism experiences in its security approach and introduces a theoretical basis for deepening and widening the security studies. The article also touches upon a significant impact that globalization has on changing security concept, especially in distinguishing transnational security threats. The changes in security studies have occurred in 20th century 70's and 80's, when realism theory comes to lose the dominant position. The state centric approach, exclusively based on external military threats was challenged by various post-structural, post-postmodern, and pluralist approaches that suggested to widen and to deepen security concept. Realism was not capable anymore to explain a range of security processes, and later, to predict the end of the Cold War. The other approaches that discussed new security threats, paid more attention to other analysis levels than national. Gradually non military security threats were included into security agendas of different states. Very soon security studies faced the problem that deepening and widening security concept can lead to an empty idea, that contains everything and at the same time nothing, and which can make security concept impossible for analysis. Transnational security threats are defined as non military threats that cross borders and either threatens the political and social integrity of a nation or the health of that nation's inhabitants.[.]

This article presents an analysis of the main challenges that the paradigm of realism experiences in its security approach and introduces a theoretical basis for deepening and widening the security studies. The article also touches upon a significant impact that globalization has on changing security concept, especially in distinguishing transnational security threats. The changes in security studies have occurred in 20th century 70's and 80's, when realism theory comes to lose the dominant position. The state centric approach, exclusively based on external military threats was challenged by various post-structural, post-postmodern, and pluralist approaches that suggested to widen and to deepen security concept. Realism was not capable anymore to explain a range of security processes, and later, to predict the end of the Cold War. The other approaches that discussed new security threats, paid more attention to other analysis levels than national. Gradually non military security threats were included into security agendas of different states. Very soon security studies faced the problem that deepening and widening security concept can lead to an empty idea, that contains everything and at the same time nothing, and which can make security concept impossible for analysis. Transnational security threats are defined as non military threats that cross borders and either threatens the political and social integrity of a nation or the health of that nation's inhabitants.[.]

Research on National Security after the Cold War rev olves largely on the so called sectoral concept of security as defined by the Copenhagen Sc hool of security studies. The main sectors of national security – military, economic, political, societal, environmental, and informational – all co ntain material as well as ideational objects to secure. T he aim of this article is to look at the problem of national security from a completely different perspective, i .e., to eveluate the ontological dimension of colle ctive security of a society as opposed to physical. The c oncept of ontological security was made popular among social scientists by sociologist Anthony Gidd ens, yet as a heuristic instrument so far it was mo stly applied at the level of individual. Taking into acc ount the differences between an individual and a collectivity it is still argued in this article tha t ontological security needs often override the mat erial needs of a given actor. In order to evaluate the ontological dimension of c ollective security, a case study of Lithuania is applied in the second section of this article. Thre e components of ontological security are investigat ed – markers of inclusion into Lithuanian society, col lective historical narrative, and external relation s of Lithuania as a state society complex. The empirical facts revealed by this brief inquiry – i.e., virtu al ostracism of "impure" Lithuanians and imigrants in terms of citizenship rights, rutinized conflict wit h Russia emanating partly (but not only) from a black andwhite narrative of history – all point to prov e the main thesis of this artice: any societal body i s prone to risk its physical survival driven by the ontological security imperative to have a stable co llective reality with all the "objective truths" an d "real theats" it entails.

Research on National Security after the Cold War rev olves largely on the so called sectoral concept of security as defined by the Copenhagen Sc hool of security studies. The main sectors of national security – military, economic, political, societal, environmental, and informational – all co ntain material as well as ideational objects to secure. T he aim of this article is to look at the problem of national security from a completely different perspective, i .e., to eveluate the ontological dimension of colle ctive security of a society as opposed to physical. The c oncept of ontological security was made popular among social scientists by sociologist Anthony Gidd ens, yet as a heuristic instrument so far it was mo stly applied at the level of individual. Taking into acc ount the differences between an individual and a collectivity it is still argued in this article tha t ontological security needs often override the mat erial needs of a given actor. In order to evaluate the ontological dimension of c ollective security, a case study of Lithuania is applied in the second section of this article. Thre e components of ontological security are investigat ed – markers of inclusion into Lithuanian society, col lective historical narrative, and external relation s of Lithuania as a state society complex. The empirical facts revealed by this brief inquiry – i.e., virtu al ostracism of "impure" Lithuanians and imigrants in terms of citizenship rights, rutinized conflict wit h Russia emanating partly (but not only) from a black andwhite narrative of history – all point to prov e the main thesis of this artice: any societal body i s prone to risk its physical survival driven by the ontological security imperative to have a stable co llective reality with all the "objective truths" an d "real theats" it entails.

Security studies have survived a lot of transformations. Like any other social theory, security studies have gone through a number of consecutive development stages: the dominance of traditional theories (realism/neorealism), the rise of critical & discourse approaches as well as the attempts to modify the traditional theories & methodological frameworks & to search for the synthetic or universal theoretic models. Author reviews how the security studies developed in the last few decades. Further attention is devoted to the attempts of Barry Buzan to provide for a compromised frameworks for security analysis in his works People, States and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era (1991), & Security: A New Framework for Analysis (1998). The first work was an attempt to sum up the most valuable inputs for a widening security agenda; it includes the new aspects of security (economic, political, social & ecological), acknowledging that a state can be one of the many other subjects in the security studies. The greatest value of this work is a model of sectorization of security studies -- analytical proposition to classify threats by sectors. The second framework for analysis seeks to preserve the use of the security sectors' concept. However B. Buzan, 0. Waever & J. de Wilde propose to include a discursive theory of securitization into the framework. Authors suggest that security is not an objective condition -- it is about presenting issues as existential threats that require emergency measures. Some critiques (eg. J. Eriksson) argue, theories of securitization & sectonzation are incompatible in methodological meaning. The author of this article gives some suggestions that a model of sectorization of security studies should be supplemented by a new sector -- the communication sector. This expansion of the model could help fill some gaps left in the B. Buzan model -- i.e. the way threats emerge, the reason why one threat is considered differently from the other one as well as why they enjoy a specific influence on the other security sectors. 3 Schemas. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the concept of environmental security and assesses its role in international, regional and national security studies. Environmental security explores relationships between different environmental issues, their effects and various security problems. Five main academic schools of environmental security are identified and examined in the article, focusing on their features and findings, methodology and critical assessment: 1. Resource scarcity school; 2. Resource abundance school; 3. Climate change school; 4. Human security school; 5. Natural disasters school. Adapted from the source document.

This Master's Thesis was oriented towards renewable energy sources (RES) impact on energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic during 2004-2014. The importance of topic is related to global issues that occurred in the end of 20th century and importance increased by each year. The solution to promote RES was understood as one of the most efficient solution and was actively promoted by the European Union (EU). Furthermore, since RES are developed intensively, these sources affect energy security and it has not been researched thoroughly yet. Accordingly, thesis object is defined as the progress of developing different renewable energy sources in Lithuania and the Czech Republic As follows, the main aim is to research the Renewable Energy Sources effect on energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic. In order to research this effect, the main question is: How renewable energy influences the energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic? To achieve the desired goal it is necessary is to research the main trends of energy security and renewable energy sources; to set indicators of energy security; to research the renewable energy influence on energy security; to analyze the development of renewable energy in Lithuania and the Czech Republic; to compare Lithuania's and the Czech Republic's progress towards renewable energy sources; to evaluate the renewable energy sources impact on energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic. Master's Thesis methodology includes exploratory literature analysis for learning more about energy security and RES. The gained knowledge from literature analysis was also used for setting indicators for energy security and how RES influence it. Furthermore, another method was case study that was applied to Lithuania and the Czech Republic. For this part, statistical analysis was also of high importance. Finally, comparative method was applied for the results of thesis. The results have showed that both countries have made an important progress during 2004-2014. Going more in details, Lithuania managed to succeed better in availability and affordability indicators, meanwhile the Czech Republic progressed better in terms of accessibility and acceptability indicators. What concerns RES influence to energy security, it was researched that both countries were influenced alike. RES positively affected indicators of availability and acceptability, meanwhile RES negatively affected indicators of accessibility and affordability.

This Master's Thesis was oriented towards renewable energy sources (RES) impact on energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic during 2004-2014. The importance of topic is related to global issues that occurred in the end of 20th century and importance increased by each year. The solution to promote RES was understood as one of the most efficient solution and was actively promoted by the European Union (EU). Furthermore, since RES are developed intensively, these sources affect energy security and it has not been researched thoroughly yet. Accordingly, thesis object is defined as the progress of developing different renewable energy sources in Lithuania and the Czech Republic As follows, the main aim is to research the Renewable Energy Sources effect on energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic. In order to research this effect, the main question is: How renewable energy influences the energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic? To achieve the desired goal it is necessary is to research the main trends of energy security and renewable energy sources; to set indicators of energy security; to research the renewable energy influence on energy security; to analyze the development of renewable energy in Lithuania and the Czech Republic; to compare Lithuania's and the Czech Republic's progress towards renewable energy sources; to evaluate the renewable energy sources impact on energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic. Master's Thesis methodology includes exploratory literature analysis for learning more about energy security and RES. The gained knowledge from literature analysis was also used for setting indicators for energy security and how RES influence it. Furthermore, another method was case study that was applied to Lithuania and the Czech Republic. For this part, statistical analysis was also of high importance. Finally, comparative method was applied for the results of thesis. The results have showed that both countries have made an important progress during 2004-2014. Going more in details, Lithuania managed to succeed better in availability and affordability indicators, meanwhile the Czech Republic progressed better in terms of accessibility and acceptability indicators. What concerns RES influence to energy security, it was researched that both countries were influenced alike. RES positively affected indicators of availability and acceptability, meanwhile RES negatively affected indicators of accessibility and affordability.

This Master's Thesis was oriented towards renewable energy sources (RES) impact on energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic during 2004-2014. The importance of topic is related to global issues that occurred in the end of 20th century and importance increased by each year. The solution to promote RES was understood as one of the most efficient solution and was actively promoted by the European Union (EU). Furthermore, since RES are developed intensively, these sources affect energy security and it has not been researched thoroughly yet. Accordingly, thesis object is defined as the progress of developing different renewable energy sources in Lithuania and the Czech Republic As follows, the main aim is to research the Renewable Energy Sources effect on energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic. In order to research this effect, the main question is: How renewable energy influences the energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic? To achieve the desired goal it is necessary is to research the main trends of energy security and renewable energy sources; to set indicators of energy security; to research the renewable energy influence on energy security; to analyze the development of renewable energy in Lithuania and the Czech Republic; to compare Lithuania's and the Czech Republic's progress towards renewable energy sources; to evaluate the renewable energy sources impact on energy security in Lithuania and the Czech Republic. Master's Thesis methodology includes exploratory literature analysis for learning more about energy security and RES. The gained knowledge from literature analysis was also used for setting indicators for energy security and how RES influence it. Furthermore, another method was case study that was applied to Lithuania and the Czech Republic. For this part, statistical analysis was also of high importance. Finally, comparative method was applied for the results of thesis. The results have showed that both countries have made an important progress during 2004-2014. Going more in details, Lithuania managed to succeed better in availability and affordability indicators, meanwhile the Czech Republic progressed better in terms of accessibility and acceptability indicators. What concerns RES influence to energy security, it was researched that both countries were influenced alike. RES positively affected indicators of availability and acceptability, meanwhile RES negatively affected indicators of accessibility and affordability.

India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.

India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.

India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.

India is a rapidly growing democratic naval power. Moreover, its features such as the strong and fast-growing economy, newest military technologies and nuclear weapon make a big impression. Considering the other major powers, it seems that the world is becoming multipolar where India could have a significant role and become one of the major poles. It has been a subject for discussions among journalists and academics for a log time. On the other hand, there are a lot of discussions about India's "friendly and mild" foreign policy; also, it is sometimes named the non-ambitious passive player in the international arena. The optimism with doubts: the paradoxical situation composed of the history of the impressive imperial civilization, modern-day economic growth, huge progress in technologies versus the major internal problems and "soft" state image. Here emerges the problem: why India's foreign policy, despite its power growth, is still passive/neutral on the international arena? The hypotheses to answering this question are: 1. India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power. 2. India's role on the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India. The aim of this article is to ascertain and explore India's status (regional or global) and to ascertain India's role (self-identification) on the international arena by using the ontological security theory. The theoretical background of this essay is ontological security theory which ten years ago was absorbed from sociology and is quite new in the international relations and security studies. Its main arguments are: ontological security is the security of being; in addition to physical security, states also seek ontological security (security of the self); ontological security is achieved by routinizing relationships with significant others, after all players become attached to those relationships, even if they are dangerous to their physical security. This theory is strongly bound with the identity that India always gives the self culture prominence in its discourse and its friendly discourse in the Ministry of Defence annual reports. This is the reason why the ontological security theory was chosen to help understand and explain India's foreign policy. First, links between ontological and traditional security are discussed in the first part of this work. There is a broad analysis of the assumptions of the ontological security theory in the same paragraph. Second, there is a short criticism of the ontological security. Finally, the ontological security theory as the India's foreign policy explanation tool is discussed; the discourse analysis is introduced as a methodological instrument of the work, and the model of analysis of the second part of the work, is defined. The second part of the work contains the content analysis of experts' articles and official documents of India's Foreign Ministry, using the model defined in the previous part and ontological security for the results' explanation The analysis made in the second part of the work has shown that the ontological security theory is able to explain India's foreign policy and does it. The first hypothesis (India's role and status are restricted by its lack of power) was denied. This means that India can be a major global power. The second hypothesis (India's role in the international arena is restricted by its ideological and neutrality traditions, which provide ontological security to India) was approved. Strictly, it means that India does not want to be a major power because of it self-identity and ontological security. India does not expose itself as a major power but thinks that is worth to be such. On the other hand, if India has absorbed the international politics routine form the British Empire, this could mean that India's identity is to be a global power, but it does not want to publicise it yet. The study has shown that it is hard to regard India in the international community as a major power without special observation or using just the realism theory tools. Consequently, the ontological security theory has shown that it has the tools that can be used in countries' foreign policy explanation.

Over the last decade policy analysts around the world demonstrate a growing interest in future studies. It is influenced by the need to foresee economic, social or political changes in rapidly developing world. For a long time future studies in political and social sciences were considered unreliable. However, in the recent years, foresight became an important part of strategic planning, thus scenario building method is more and more often used by policy analysts. Uninterrupted and reliable energy supply is one of the main pillars of country's national security. Future development of the energy sector depends on many variables such as the growing energy demand, the technological development, the liberalization of the energy markets etc. Therefore, if countries want to prepare properly for possible changes, consistent and rational political planning is needed. It is very important to assess the future challenges, possibilities and the most likely trends of development, whereas scenario building is the most suitable method for reaching these objectives. The main objective of this research paper is to build possible energy security scenarios for Lithuania, Latvia and Poland. First of all, to achieve this objective one needs to define energy security and scenario building method. It is also important to review the energy sector of each of the three countries, in order to find strengths, weaknesses and main threats to their security. The EU common energy policy has a direct impact on Lithuania's, Latvia's and Poland's energy security, because all the three countries are members of the Union, therefore the main guidelines of its common energy policy have to be included in the scenario building process as additional factors. After the above-mentioned goals are achieved four principal energy security scenarios for Lithuania, Latvia and Poland can be built. The results of this research suggest that the main driving forces in Lithuania's, Latvia's and Poland's energy security scenarios are the successful/unsuccessful implementation of the EU common energy policy and the increasing/decreasing dominance of the Russian Federation in supplying the energy recourses for these countries. Different combinations of these driving forces imply four scenarios. There are also four main variables, that have a significant influence on Lithuania's, Latvia's and Poland's energy security – the possibility to diversify energy supply, the connection with Western Europe's energy systems, the technological development and the liberalization of the energy markets. Both driving forces and the four variables are interdependent, for example, broader possibilities to diversify energy supply or the liberalization of Lithuania's, Latvia's and Poland's energy markets are more likely to happen under successful EU common energy policy. Therefore it is very important to include all these variables into scenario building process.