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This article contributes to the debate on how an international crisis may contribute to ontological security. We argue that ontological security can paradoxically be achieved through escalating practices capable of provoking international crises. By merging 'practices', a fairly distinct theoretical perspective of International Relations, with ontological security, we seek to expand Jennifer Mitzen's premise that "even dangerous routines provide ontological security" and consider practices as a source of attaining ontological security. To partake in the practical turn in ontological security studies, we borrow the concepts of Practice Turn in IR, habitus (disposition), and field (environment). After substantiating the connection between the two theories, we take the demise of the INF Treaty as an example of a crisis. We argue that the INF Treaty, as a field, has become a source of ontological threat to both the U.S. and Russia. Following the end of the Cold War, the U.S. and Russia have constantly changed their habitus by developing key missile technologies and deteriorating bilateral relations. Accordingly, the changed habitus no longer conformed to the realities of the field, making its delegitimization by both sides self-evident.

The current article is dedicated to the analysis of political dialogue between Washington and the Taliban, also, problems and perspectives of establishment of direct intra-afghan talks in the context of ensuring the regional security in Central Asia.

The Azerbaijan-Russia borderline mainly goes by the Caucasian mountain range and close to the Samur riverbed. Main border posts are situated close to the Caspian seashore while the locals living in the Upper Dagestan area have difficulties with crossing borderline. The locals are represented by the so called "divided peoples" whose living area was divided with the state border after 1991. The former inner borders ignored ethnic areas but now they became the lines crossing the ethnic groups of Legins, Avars, Tzakhurs and Rutuls. Certainly, those peoples are interested in specific rules for crossing the border. At the same time, their areas have not got the equipped border offices and they have to spend a lot of time and money for travelling to the neighboring districts via Baku or Vladikavkaz. Such problems arouse the radical demands among locals. The Lezgin movement for an independent Lezgistan is the most famous among them. Its supporters were involved in a terrorist attack in Baku in 1990-s and now they collect files about any problems connected with border issues, including the results of a demarcation process. They attract attention to the facts of all assignments made by Russian representatives. The activity of other ethnic groups was comparatively lower and they could make an agreement with local authorities about division of powers. Obviously, any solution about development of the border infrastructure may stabilize the separatism activity in the area.

The author determines the key challenges and threats to cross-border security at Azerbaijan-Russia borderline on the basis of analysis of Federal and regional media, declarations made by representatives of the local and borderline authorities, as well as online activities of national movements. The author reveals the infrastructure factors of ensuring cross-border activity, social and economic conditions of borderline districts development. The suggestion is made on the need to develop infrastructure borderline objects for complex development of the crossborder area that will allow preventing separatism.

Современная российская карта угроз религиозной безопасности многогранна. Согласно многим исследованиям, первое место в иерархии угроз занимает деятельность радикальных исламистов, пропагандирующих экстремистские цели, на втором месте – активность нетрадиционных религий. Статья посвящена анализу методического инструментария и результатов региональных и всероссийских социологических опросов, направленных на выяснение качества межконфессиональных отношений и места религиозных рисков в системе национальной безопасности. Исследования религиозной сферы требуют известной деликатности, что лишь усложняет процесс составления эмпирического инструментария. В статье проанализирован опыт социологических опросов в регионах Поволжья (Башкирии, Пензе, Ульяновске, Мордовии, Астрахани) и Северного Кавказа, привлекались также и данные всероссийских опросов. Целью статьи является определение наиболее эффективных методических стратегий измерения межконфессионального напряжения и определения уровня опасности совершения насилия на религиозной почве. Анализ методического инструментария показывает, что высокая тревожность массового сознания фиксируется с помощью вопросов о допустимости или недопустимости насилия в межрелигиозных отношениях; о необходимости предоставить той или иной конфессии особые права (официально закрепить ее господствующее положение); о пользе или вреде перехода из одной религии в другую; об отношении к демонстрации в публичной сфере религиозных символов (например, хиджаба). Анализ стратегий эмпирических исследований позволил зафиксировать тенденцию представлять нетрадиционные для России конфессии как серьезную угрозу религиозной безопасности, а также объединять под единой шапкой такие разнородные явления, как ваххабизм, движение свидетелей Иеговы, протестантизм, кришнаизм. Напротив, традиционные религии российскими политологами рассматриваются в качестве главных союзников государства в сфере поддержания религиозной безопасности. Сформулирован вывод, согласно которому именно выбор методики исследования, в немалой мере определяющей его результаты, может формировать адекватные или иллюзорные представления о степени религиозной безопасности как у заказчиков исследования, так и в целом у населения нашей страны. ; The contemporary Russian map of threats to religious security is multifaceted. The first place in the hierarchy of threats is the activity of radical Islamists promoting extremist goals, while the second place belongs to the activity of non-traditional religions. This article is devoted to the analysis of methodological tools and results of regional and All-Russian sociological surveys aimed at determining the quality of interfaith relations and the place of religious risks in the national security system. Research into the religious sphere requires a certain sensitivity, which only complicates the process of compiling empirical tools. This article analyzes the experience of sociological surveys in the Volga Region (Bashkortostan, Penze, Ulyanovsk, Mordovia, Astrakhan) and the North Caucasus, using the data from All-Russian surveys. The purpose of this article is to identify the most effective methodological strategies for measuring sectarian tension and determining the risk of religious violence. The analysis of methodological tools shows that the high anxiety of mass consciousness can be recorded using questions on a number of issues. They include the admissibility or inadmissibility of violence in interreligious relations; the need to grant special rights to a denomination (to formalize its dominant position); the benefits or harms of the transition from one religion to another; the attitude towards the demonstration of religious symbols in the public sphere (e. g. hijab). The analysis of empirical research strategies allowed recording the tendency to present non-traditional faiths for Russia as a serious threat to the religious security, as well as to unite under a single cap such diverse phenomena as Wahhabism, the movement of Jehovah's Witnesses, Protestantism, and Krishnaism. On the contrary, Russian political scientists consider traditional religions the main allies of the state in the field of maintaining religious security. The author concludes that the choice of methods can influence individual and collective perceptions of religious security.

This article provides insight into the initiatives of the President of France Emmanuel Macron in the field of European Union security and defense. France is leading the processes of military convergence of the EU members. The author examines the perspectives of such a convergence and tries to identify both internal and external causes of the French European policy. The author explores Macron's European policy and compares it with the ideology of classical gaullism, laid the foundation for the Fifth Republic led by general Charles de Gaulle. The author characterizes Macron's policies as ―flexible gaullism'' and identifies its main features. The author assesses the perspectives of the initiatives suggested by Macron in the sphere of European security and defense and tries to reveal possible obstacles for the realization of these initiatives. The article also provides an analytical assessment of the current French external European policy, evaluates the political influence of modern France on the European Union Common Security and Defense. The author explores the impact of Brexit on the position of France in EU and studies the role of Paris in PESCO - Permanent Structured Cooperation. The article reveals joint initiatives of France and Germany and the role of Franco-German tandem in the EU Common Security and Defense Policy. © 2020 Institute of Europe Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

"Yearbook of Eastern Studies" has been established as a forum for the debate on the multifaceted nature of transformations in Central and Eastern Europe and Asia, with particular focus on the post-Soviet area. The conceptual content of the periodical was born thanks to the professors Zdzislaw J. Winnicki and Walenty Baluk, who edited the first three volumes, which were published formally as separate monographs, but already under the banner of "Wschodnioznawstwo". Since 2010, the Yearbook has the status of a scientific journal, and two years later it has been listed on the journals of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. In addition, the periodical is indexed in national and international databases such as Index Copernicus, Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, BazHum and Polska Bibliografia Naukowa. The scientific profile of the periodical, which has consistently been implemented since the beginning of the activity of "Yearbook of Eastern Studies", focuses on the field of social sciences, with particular emphasis on the science of politics and science of safety. Its great advantage is its internationalization, which manifests itself both in terms of composition of the scientific council, reviewers, and authors of texts published in the "Wschodnioznawstwo" in Polish, English and Russian languages. Up to now, researchers from Poland, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Czech Republic, Georgia, Germany, Hungary, Japan, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Macedonia, Russia, Slovakia and Ukraine have published on the cards of the journal. ; Wydawany przez Zakład Badań Wschodnich od 2007 r. rocznik "Wschodnioznawstwo" powstał jako forum debaty nad wielowymiarowością przemian w regionie Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej oraz Azji, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem obszaru postradzieckiego. Koncepcja merytoryczna periodyku zrodziła się dzięki profesorom Zdzisławowi J. Winnickiemu oraz Walentemu Balukowi, którzy redagowali wspólnie pierwsze trzy tomy, wydane jeszcze z formalnego punktu widzenia jako odrębne monografie, ale już pod szyldem "Wschodnioznawstwa". Od 2010 r. rocznik posiada status czasopisma naukowego, a dwa lata później trafił na listę czasopism punktowanych Ministerstwa Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego. Ponadto periodyk jest indeksowany w krajowych i międzynarodowych bazach, takich jak Index Copernicus, Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, BazHum czy Polska Bibliografia Naukowa. Profil naukowy periodyku, który konsekwentnie jest realizowany od początku działalności "Wschodnioznawstwa", koncentruje się wokół dziedziny nauk społecznych, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem nauk o polityce i nauk o bezpieczeństwie. Ogromnym atutem rocznika jest jego umiędzynarodowienie, które przejawia się zarówno w aspekcie składu rady naukowej, recenzentów, jak i autorów tekstów zamieszczanych na łamach "Wschodnioznawstwa" w językach polskim, angielskim i rosyjskim. Do tej pory na kartach periodyku publikowali naukowcy z Polski, Azerbejdżanu, Białorusi, Czech, Gruzji, Japonii, Kazachstanu, Łotwy, Macedonii, Niemiec, Rosji, Słowacji, Ukrainy i Węgier.

The article explores the issue on the perception of the concept "national security" areas, models and methods of its maintenance by the population. The author uses materials of the sociological survey conducted by the Laboratory of problems of increasing the efficiency of state and municipal management of the South-Russian Institute of Management - branch of the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration. The survey was carried out with the participation of leading experts in various aspects of national security, representing 27 Russian higher educational institutions and research centers in Moscow, Astrakhan, Barnaul, Belgorod, Dushanbe, Krasnodar, Nizhny Novgorod, Omsk, Pyatigorsk, Rostov-on-Don, Saint Petersburg, Syktyvkar, Sochi, Ufa. It is noted that as a priority political governance model that implements the basic concept of national security, respondents identified a democratic model. Most respondents believe that a unified security model in the Russian regions is ineffective, and such model should be developed taking into account the specificity of each subject. The study showed that the public's attention to the issue of national security is not sustainable, as determined by situational factors. It is proved that the motives of anxiety formed in the Russian public mind are not sustainable, and situational. Respondents see the economic cooperation more effective incentive to maintain national interests than by force. Estimation of the population of the priority issues of security shows that most respondents appreciate the organization of work to ensure the safety and anti-terrorism security in the sphere of national relations. The findings give grounds to assert that the focus of public attention to the problem of national security does not yet occupy the leading positions. To a greater extent, respondents focused on the issues of public safety, reducing threats and risks in their daily lives. Apparently, despite the external and internal attempts by certain forces to escalate the symptoms of military threats, economic and political instability, the state authorities have managed to maintain a stable situation on the ground and to instill confidence in the stability of the government itself. However, assessments of respondents showing pain points (as discussed above), on which the regional and federal authorities and the public should focus their attention. This should avoid focusing on minor topics objects, eliminate switching public attention on themes and subjects that do not require a real public outcry and do not carry the real threats to the individual, society and state. Thus, the problem of improving the state policy in the sphere of security exists objectively, and its resolution should be ensured not only by the professional power sector, deputies and representatives of the executive power, but also qualified experts from civil society and scientific environment. (author's abstract)