Suchergebnisse

A budget of State (Government budget) in all countries is known as a financial plan of all planed incomes, expenses and revenues approved by the competent institution (in the Republic of Lithuania – by Seimas). It is a plan for saving, borrowing and spending by the State, that is drawned according to the requirements of the Law. The article deals with the problem of realization of principle of long-term (long-range) budget planning in the Republic of Lithuania. The legal definition and the essence of long-term budget planning, the reasons for changing to long-term budget planning is analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to the question of the reform of budget planning in Lithuania that started in 1998 and signified transition from the model of short-term to the model of long-term budget planning. It' affirmed that the planning of budget of the State for particular period of time is established in Law on budgeting as one of the main principles of the whole budget process. According to the Law on budgeting and other legal acts the draft of the budget of the Republic of Lithuania shall be prepared for the period of three years basing on legislative acts of the Republic, information from state statistical agencies, socio-economic programmes and scientific-technological projections, etc.

A budget of State (Government budget) in all countries is known as a financial plan of all planed incomes, expenses and revenues approved by the competent institution (in the Republic of Lithuania – by Seimas). It is a plan for saving, borrowing and spending by the State, that is drawned according to the requirements of the Law. The article deals with the problem of realization of principle of long-term (long-range) budget planning in the Republic of Lithuania. The legal definition and the essence of long-term budget planning, the reasons for changing to long-term budget planning is analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to the question of the reform of budget planning in Lithuania that started in 1998 and signified transition from the model of short-term to the model of long-term budget planning. It' affirmed that the planning of budget of the State for particular period of time is established in Law on budgeting as one of the main principles of the whole budget process. According to the Law on budgeting and other legal acts the draft of the budget of the Republic of Lithuania shall be prepared for the period of three years basing on legislative acts of the Republic, information from state statistical agencies, socio-economic programmes and scientific-technological projections, etc.

A budget of State (Government budget) in all countries is known as a financial plan of all planed incomes, expenses and revenues approved by the competent institution (in the Republic of Lithuania – by Seimas). It is a plan for saving, borrowing and spending by the State, that is drawned according to the requirements of the Law. The article deals with the problem of realization of principle of long-term (long-range) budget planning in the Republic of Lithuania. The legal definition and the essence of long-term budget planning, the reasons for changing to long-term budget planning is analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to the question of the reform of budget planning in Lithuania that started in 1998 and signified transition from the model of short-term to the model of long-term budget planning. It' affirmed that the planning of budget of the State for particular period of time is established in Law on budgeting as one of the main principles of the whole budget process. According to the Law on budgeting and other legal acts the draft of the budget of the Republic of Lithuania shall be prepared for the period of three years basing on legislative acts of the Republic, information from state statistical agencies, socio-economic programmes and scientific-technological projections, etc.

A budget of State (Government budget) in all countries is known as a financial plan of all planed incomes, expenses and revenues approved by the competent institution (in the Republic of Lithuania – by Seimas). It is a plan for saving, borrowing and spending by the State, that is drawned according to the requirements of the Law. The article deals with the problem of realization of principle of long-term (long-range) budget planning in the Republic of Lithuania. The legal definition and the essence of long-term budget planning, the reasons for changing to long-term budget planning is analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to the question of the reform of budget planning in Lithuania that started in 1998 and signified transition from the model of short-term to the model of long-term budget planning. It' affirmed that the planning of budget of the State for particular period of time is established in Law on budgeting as one of the main principles of the whole budget process. According to the Law on budgeting and other legal acts the draft of the budget of the Republic of Lithuania shall be prepared for the period of three years basing on legislative acts of the Republic, information from state statistical agencies, socio-economic programmes and scientific-technological projections, etc.

In this research a hypothesis about the economical measure, which could be an additional tool for the analysis and assessment of the European Union (ED) countries' economy tendencies is verified. This measure (for each country separately) was constructed as a composite indicator (CI) that involves indicators from economic fields. The dynamics of the CI was compared to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) tendencies during the analysis period. The CI of each EU country was constructed with monthly periodicity therefore this indicator may reflect the economic situation of economy more frequently than GDP.

In this research a hypothesis about the economical measure, which could be an additional tool for the analysis and assessment of the European Union (ED) countries' economy tendencies is verified. This measure (for each country separately) was constructed as a composite indicator (CI) that involves indicators from economic fields. The dynamics of the CI was compared to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) tendencies during the analysis period. The CI of each EU country was constructed with monthly periodicity therefore this indicator may reflect the economic situation of economy more frequently than GDP.

The article deals with the trends of consumption of Lithuanian poultry meat and the factors that determine them. The poultry sector has an important place among other agricultural sectors. Poultry meat makes up even 28% of the total meat produced in Lithuania. In the structure of meat consumption poultry meat makes up 23%; lately, the consumed amounts have noticeably increased. In Lithuania the demand for poultry meat exceeds the supply. Lately, the self-sufficiency level of poultry meat fluctuated about 80%. As the poultry sector in Lithuania was in short supply, producers and traders could sell products at higher prices than their value. However, the price uptrend reached such a level that meat products became too expensive for consumers and they bought poultry meat only for the reason that it was the cheapest kind of meat. In 2009 the retail prices of poultry meat reached such a level that the consumption of Lithuanian poultry meat on the domestic market started to decline. People more and more often went to Poland for poultry meat where in 2009 it was by 44% cheaper than in Lithuania. Producers, retailers and the government could contribute to the reduction of retail price of Lithuanian poultry meat.

The article deals with the trends of consumption of Lithuanian poultry meat and the factors that determine them. The poultry sector has an important place among other agricultural sectors. Poultry meat makes up even 28% of the total meat produced in Lithuania. In the structure of meat consumption poultry meat makes up 23%; lately, the consumed amounts have noticeably increased. In Lithuania the demand for poultry meat exceeds the supply. Lately, the self-sufficiency level of poultry meat fluctuated about 80%. As the poultry sector in Lithuania was in short supply, producers and traders could sell products at higher prices than their value. However, the price uptrend reached such a level that meat products became too expensive for consumers and they bought poultry meat only for the reason that it was the cheapest kind of meat. In 2009 the retail prices of poultry meat reached such a level that the consumption of Lithuanian poultry meat on the domestic market started to decline. People more and more often went to Poland for poultry meat where in 2009 it was by 44% cheaper than in Lithuania. Producers, retailers and the government could contribute to the reduction of retail price of Lithuanian poultry meat.

The article deals with the trends of consumption of Lithuanian poultry meat and the factors that determine them. The poultry sector has an important place among other agricultural sectors. Poultry meat makes up even 28% of the total meat produced in Lithuania. In the structure of meat consumption poultry meat makes up 23%; lately, the consumed amounts have noticeably increased. In Lithuania the demand for poultry meat exceeds the supply. Lately, the self-sufficiency level of poultry meat fluctuated about 80%. As the poultry sector in Lithuania was in short supply, producers and traders could sell products at higher prices than their value. However, the price uptrend reached such a level that meat products became too expensive for consumers and they bought poultry meat only for the reason that it was the cheapest kind of meat. In 2009 the retail prices of poultry meat reached such a level that the consumption of Lithuanian poultry meat on the domestic market started to decline. People more and more often went to Poland for poultry meat where in 2009 it was by 44% cheaper than in Lithuania. Producers, retailers and the government could contribute to the reduction of retail price of Lithuanian poultry meat.

The article deals with the trends of consumption of Lithuanian poultry meat and the factors that determine them. The poultry sector has an important place among other agricultural sectors. Poultry meat makes up even 28% of the total meat produced in Lithuania. In the structure of meat consumption poultry meat makes up 23%; lately, the consumed amounts have noticeably increased. In Lithuania the demand for poultry meat exceeds the supply. Lately, the self-sufficiency level of poultry meat fluctuated about 80%. As the poultry sector in Lithuania was in short supply, producers and traders could sell products at higher prices than their value. However, the price uptrend reached such a level that meat products became too expensive for consumers and they bought poultry meat only for the reason that it was the cheapest kind of meat. In 2009 the retail prices of poultry meat reached such a level that the consumption of Lithuanian poultry meat on the domestic market started to decline. People more and more often went to Poland for poultry meat where in 2009 it was by 44% cheaper than in Lithuania. Producers, retailers and the government could contribute to the reduction of retail price of Lithuanian poultry meat.

Collective memory is a necessary attribute to every modern political community. In recent years, never-ceasing "wars of memory" in Lithuania and especially in Latvia and Estonia determine the importance of understanding the policy of history and memory. The trajectories of consolidation of political elite at the beginning of transformation period and traditions of historical consciousness became the fundamental factors which underlie the guidelines of the policy of memory in the three Baltic States. In this article the tendencies of politics of memory in the Baltic States are compared and generalized. By doing this those tendencies are distinguished into two different, although partly complementary spheres: the actualization of soviet memory and the tensions of national narrative that are caused by the processes of "liberalization" of history. Politics of memory are much more liberalized in Lithuania than in Latvia and Estonia. Part of the reason is the successful transformation of former communist party which reinforced the discourse of rehabilitation of soviet memory as stable, industrializing and modernizing period in Lithuania's history. The "liberalization" could also be felt in terms of deconstruction of national narrative. The most important role is appointed for Grand Duchy of Lithuania as tolerant and legalistic state and the rejection of searching of ethnic attributes of Duchy. In Latvia and Estonia the assertive rejection to partly rehabilitate the Soviet memory still dominates. This was influenced by the absence of sound ex-communist party and tradition of political elite to seclude the parties of Russian minority from ruling coalitions. Soviet history is depicted as an enslavement of titular nations and this depiction consistently supplements the traditional national narrative.

Collective memory is a necessary attribute to every modern political community. In recent years, never-ceasing "wars of memory" in Lithuania and especially in Latvia and Estonia determine the importance of understanding the policy of history and memory. The trajectories of consolidation of political elite at the beginning of transformation period and traditions of historical consciousness became the fundamental factors which underlie the guidelines of the policy of memory in the three Baltic States. In this article the tendencies of politics of memory in the Baltic States are compared and generalized. By doing this those tendencies are distinguished into two different, although partly complementary spheres: the actualization of soviet memory and the tensions of national narrative that are caused by the processes of "liberalization" of history. Politics of memory are much more liberalized in Lithuania than in Latvia and Estonia. Part of the reason is the successful transformation of former communist party which reinforced the discourse of rehabilitation of soviet memory as stable, industrializing and modernizing period in Lithuania's history. The "liberalization" could also be felt in terms of deconstruction of national narrative. The most important role is appointed for Grand Duchy of Lithuania as tolerant and legalistic state and the rejection of searching of ethnic attributes of Duchy. In Latvia and Estonia the assertive rejection to partly rehabilitate the Soviet memory still dominates. This was influenced by the absence of sound ex-communist party and tradition of political elite to seclude the parties of Russian minority from ruling coalitions. Soviet history is depicted as an enslavement of titular nations and this depiction consistently supplements the traditional national narrative.

Collective memory is a necessary attribute to every modern political community. In recent years, never-ceasing "wars of memory" in Lithuania and especially in Latvia and Estonia determine the importance of understanding the policy of history and memory. The trajectories of consolidation of political elite at the beginning of transformation period and traditions of historical consciousness became the fundamental factors which underlie the guidelines of the policy of memory in the three Baltic States. In this article the tendencies of politics of memory in the Baltic States are compared and generalized. By doing this those tendencies are distinguished into two different, although partly complementary spheres: the actualization of soviet memory and the tensions of national narrative that are caused by the processes of "liberalization" of history. Politics of memory are much more liberalized in Lithuania than in Latvia and Estonia. Part of the reason is the successful transformation of former communist party which reinforced the discourse of rehabilitation of soviet memory as stable, industrializing and modernizing period in Lithuania's history. The "liberalization" could also be felt in terms of deconstruction of national narrative. The most important role is appointed for Grand Duchy of Lithuania as tolerant and legalistic state and the rejection of searching of ethnic attributes of Duchy. In Latvia and Estonia the assertive rejection to partly rehabilitate the Soviet memory still dominates. This was influenced by the absence of sound ex-communist party and tradition of political elite to seclude the parties of Russian minority from ruling coalitions. Soviet history is depicted as an enslavement of titular nations and this depiction consistently supplements the traditional national narrative.

This dissertation analyzes five memoirs written in English by North American writers of Lithuanian descent, published between 2001 and 2017 in the United States and Canada: Painted in Words—A Memoir (2001) by Samuel Bak, The Barefoot Bingo Caller (2017) by Antanas Sileika, White Field, Black Sheep: A Lithuanian-American Life (2010) by Daiva Markelis, A Guest At the Shooters' Banquet (2015) by Rita Gabis, and Siberian Exile: Blood, War, and a Granddaughter's Reckoning (2017) by Julija Šukys. In their memoirs, these writers reflect on and challenge aspects of Lithuanian historical trauma (the Holocaust) and Lithuanian cultural trauma (deportations to Siberia, World War II, the postwar experience, the refugee experience, immigration). They consider the impact of those historical events on their ancestors, themselves, and their descendants. All five embarked on postmemory rite of return journeys to Lithuania after Lituania's independence from the Soviet Union, seeking answers about family narratives. These memoirs function both as memory and postmemory narratives. In each of the memoirs, the writers explore personal narratives as narratives of culture against the backdrop of collective memory and historical and cultural trauma. Superimposed onto their individual memory narratives are explorations of familial and affiliative postmemory that are geographically, historically, and culturally distant for these writers living on the North American continent, and yet vitally important to them. There is a belatedness to these memory narratives, which in part is caused by the divisions of the Iron Curtain and Cold War politics, and in part because of the time needed to process and heal from extreme trauma (the first generation) or come to terms with inherited postmemory traumas (the second and third generations). Writing in English about Lithuania, these writers function as cultural translators who translate their postmemory experience for an audience of North American readers. Their work is representative of a growing body of literary novels, memoirs, essays, plays, and poems that explore postmemory topics related to Lithuanian cultural and historical trauma and collective memory that are written in English and published in North America by both university presses and commercial publishers.

This dissertation analyzes five memoirs written in English by North American writers of Lithuanian descent, published between 2001 and 2017 in the United States and Canada: Painted in Words—A Memoir (2001) by Samuel Bak, The Barefoot Bingo Caller (2017) by Antanas Sileika, White Field, Black Sheep: A Lithuanian-American Life (2010) by Daiva Markelis, A Guest At the Shooters' Banquet (2015) by Rita Gabis, and Siberian Exile: Blood, War, and a Granddaughter's Reckoning (2017) by Julija Šukys. In their memoirs, these writers reflect on and challenge aspects of Lithuanian historical trauma (the Holocaust) and Lithuanian cultural trauma (deportations to Siberia, World War II, the postwar experience, the refugee experience, immigration). They consider the impact of those historical events on their ancestors, themselves, and their descendants. All five embarked on postmemory rite of return journeys to Lithuania after Lituania's independence from the Soviet Union, seeking answers about family narratives. These memoirs function both as memory and postmemory narratives. In each of the memoirs, the writers explore personal narratives as narratives of culture against the backdrop of collective memory and historical and cultural trauma. Superimposed onto their individual memory narratives are explorations of familial and affiliative postmemory that are geographically, historically, and culturally distant for these writers living on the North American continent, and yet vitally important to them. There is a belatedness to these memory narratives, which in part is caused by the divisions of the Iron Curtain and Cold War politics, and in part because of the time needed to process and heal from extreme trauma (the first generation) or come to terms with inherited postmemory traumas (the second and third generations). Writing in English about Lithuania, these writers function as cultural translators who translate their postmemory experience for an audience of North American readers. Their work is representative of a growing body of literary novels, memoirs, essays, plays, and poems that explore postmemory topics related to Lithuanian cultural and historical trauma and collective memory that are written in English and published in North America by both university presses and commercial publishers.