The main aim of this paper was the analysis of the impact of the "Family 500+" social programme in three areas: fertility, poverty in families with children, and the labour market participation of parents (mainly mothers) with young children. Statistical data available to date has been used by the author. The results show that the new benefit decreased the risk of poverty in families with children, had an impact on the higher number of births - which could be a temporary effect or a result of other family policy reforms implemented in 2013-2016 - and it decreased female labour market activity.
The aim of this short paper is to show that the relations between Ukraine and Russia are extremely complex as they are built on a shared history, religion, language, and culture and they should not, therefore, be gauged by Western standards. Evaluating the current situation from a broader perspective, the fact that Ukraine plays a significant role in Russia's foreign policy needs to be emphasized. Ukraine is considered the key post-Soviet state, a significant "near abroad" country, whose position, potential, and geopolitical location are vital for the balance of power in both Eastern Europe and Europe in general. The research project aims at a synthetic examination of the current Russia-Ukraine war from the point of view of Ukraine striving for full independence, memory, and identity. Will the war of the brotherly nations wreck Russia's long-term policy towards Ukraine? Will the conflict ruin Russia's plans of post-Soviet space reintegration, whose pivot is set on Ukraine? Will the war stimulate Ukraine to deal with the issue of its identity, post-Soviet legacy, and collective memory?
Petar II Petrović Njegoš is probably the most famous figure in Montenegro's history and a particular symbol of this place. Despite his short life, he achieved fame not only as a politician but also as an artist. The article aims to analyze how the memory of Petar II Petrović Njegoš – a symbolic figure in the history and culture of Montenegro – has been constructed. The analysis will focus on the public debate on this figure in relation to the motion to establish a new national holiday – Njegoš's day, i.e., the day of Montenegrin culture. The study uses both the discourse method and content analysis, including legislative projects, newspaper articles, television broadcasts, public speeches, and other messages from individual politicians and intellectuals. The public debate on Njegoš revealed how the inconsistency of memory, primarily the Montenegrin, Serbian and Bosniak memory, generates conflicts and at the same time deepens the prevailing social divisions.
The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.
The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the 'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and inter- pretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.
Examining psychological mechanisms which lay at the heart of manslaughters aren't a new subject in Polish psychology and penitentiary sociology. In case of the public correction he seems positive to be influence relatively of short stay in penitentiary individuals. In case of the psychological correction long-term therapy is giving greater effects. Undervalued through penitentiary administration of the factor criminological process there is an influence of media, and by force methods of proceedings are marked most popular - with innovative - middle of achieving desired objectives socially.
What it meant by European Integration? We mean the historical process whereby European nation-states have been willing to transfer, or more usually pool, their sovereign powers in a collective enterprise. The European Union, which today contains twenty-eight member states, which has a complex institutional structure that includes a supranational central administration (the European Commission), an elected Parliament, a Court of Justice and a Central Bank, is the outcome of this processes. Many American and European scientists of the European Union have chided "intergovemmentalist" accounts for emphasizing the duration of member state authority over the process of European integration. This article attempts to prove these criticisms in a "historical institutionalist" account that mentions the importance of research on European integration as a political process which spreads over time. Such an aspect distinguishes the limitations of member-state control over permanent institutional improvements, due to a fixation with short-term interests, the existence of unexpected consequences, and actions that "lock in" past decisions and make affirmation of member-state control difficult. Short exploration of the development of social policy in the EC advocates the limitations of conducting the EC as an international regime promoting collective activity among sovereign states. It is important to view integration as a "path-dependent" process that has composed a dispersed, but still obvious "multitiered" European polity.
The text compares the direct and indirect effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in the area of health, looking at them from the short and long-term perspective. The fields of analysis selected in this way also included issues such as deficits persisting after the end of treatment or the health consequences of lifestyle changes as a result of restrictions related to the pandemic or the transition to a remote work/study. An important thread of reflection is also the impact of the pandemic on the psyche of Poles in relation to specific socio-demographic features. A particularly important topic was the issue of the health debt and its consequences for the health of Polish society – both in the context of already identified deficits and problems that may arise in the future.
The Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) is a descriptive formula used to reflect on asymmetries in economic development and consequential conflict of interests arising between various states of the world. These asymmetries and conflicts of interests have their reflection in these states' environmental policy mix - implemented domestically and pursued in the international context. The emerging map of mutual interests and dependences results from the consideration of external costs and benefits pertaining to respective national environmental policies. The EKC makes it evident that these costs and benefits cannot be evenly spread over all the states. This urges these states to adopt such interjurisdictional arrangements which are based on the identification of a possible multilateral exchange of economic policy favours and international financial transfers. Such an exchange, whenever occurs, has a generalized reciprocity formula. The function of such an arrangement is to make it possible for Nash equilibria to emerge, as such are most likely to produce the highest possible level of effectiveness in the long run. Such a behavior may not be cooperative in the short and medium term, yet the bottom-line cooperativeness is achieved because most states have similar if not the same long-term environmental goals.
In the article was presented an outline of the institution of the Parliament of Chechnya in the years 1991–2000, this means in the period when the Republic enjoyed the real independence from Russia. The following part discusses the regulations of the Constitution of 1992, but also other legal acts concerning the legislative position, term of office and the way of functioning, internal organization, competence and legislative procedure of the Parliament of Chechnya. It was emphasized that the most significant determining factors for a strong Chechen Parliament were: legislative exclusivity, inability to shorten its term of office and extensive creative as well as control powers over the executive. ; W artykule przedstawiono zarys instytucji Parlamentu Czeczenii w latach 1991–2000, tzn. w okresie kiedy republika cieszyła się faktyczną niezależnością od Rosji. W dalszej części obszernie omówiono uregulowania Konstytucji z 1992 roku, ale także innych aktów prawnych, dotyczące pozycji ustrojowej, kadencji i sposobu funkcjonowania, organizacji wewnętrznej, kompetencji i procedury ustawodawczej Parlamentu Czeczenii. W konstatacji podkreślono, że najistotniejszymi czynnikami decydującymi o silnej pozycji czeczeńskiego parlamentu były wyłączność ustawodawcza, brak możliwości skrócenia jego kadencji oraz szerokie uprawnienia kreacyjne i kontrolne w stosunku do władzy wykonawczej.
The historicity of the Constitution of the Fifth French Republic has a special dimension. In the preamble and in the articles of the first Chapter, reference is made to the heritage of the French Revolution and identification with its principles is emphasised. We are therefore dealing with a case of the Constitution that explicitly refers not to the entire historical heritage of France but to an exceptional moment in its history. This reference has a very real meaning because the legacy of the French Revolution affects the constitutional reality of today's France. This applies in particular to the specially conceive d idea of the sovereignty of the nation, the principles of indivisibility and the secularity of the Republic. At the same time, under the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, there has been an interpretation of the legacy of the Revolution in terms that are critical of the Jacobin tradition, which allowed for a broad consensus on it. On the other hand, it can be argued that the Constitution is not fully representative in the dimension of history, as the legacy of pre-revolutionary France occupies a vital place in public education and in the politics of memory.
In his well known essay "Left-wing" communism: an infan-tile disorder Lenin used the Russian term "levizna" to name a naïve strategy of West European communist parties. This term is usually translated as "Left-Wing" but it does not show its disregarding to West communist politics in Lenin's eyes. In Polish there is anther tradition, used by commu-nist nomenclature, to ridicule left wing movement (e.g. in 1968), and it is translated as "lewactwo" (translations such as"lefty", "leftie" do not fit due to historical context and the Russian grammar). Nowadays the term is used by right-wing movements and politicians to humiliate each left-wing idea as childish (opposed to "adult" right-wing). In my article, I intend to show how this "lewactwo" notion works as a barrier of national identity, as well as a screen of phantasy. The em-pirical part of my work was based on Internet folklore, such as mems, commentaries, short YouTube films and also on offers of shops with patriotic clothes and gadgets (because their offer is rooted in this folklore, and they first make some "patriotic context," e.g. something interesting in history, and then offer clothes etc. in relation to this. So their merchandise is strictly based on Internet folklore and work as "barometer" for it). My analysis shows how the notion "lewactwo" works as an ideological and phantasmatic barrier for national identity. This barrier shows how all these right-wing movements construct positive set of the "nation." This set contains positive as well as negative (put together with "lewactwo") elements, like notions, ideas and signs with which they must be contiguous to be part of the nation (e.g., in an anthropological notion of magic based on contagion and similarity). The term "lewactwo" is also used as a screen of phantasy, where you are projecting all features which exclude you from the community and your positive "national identity."
Fragile states pose a risk to regional and global security and an immense challenge to international development cooperation. The term fragile states generally refers to countries with dysfunctional, deteriorating or collapsed central authorities, as well as weak, failed, failing and collapsed states. In recent years they have attracted considerable and increased attention in the international development community, including the German development policy. Documents such as the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) strategy "Developmentoriented Transformation in Conditions of Fragile Statehood and Poor Government Performance" and the guidelines on dealings with troubled states demonstrate that the German development cooperation has tried to tailor its approaches to these circumstances. This new policy crosses ministry boundaries and sets out a framework of closely action for the German foreign ministry, the defense ministry and the ministry for economic cooperation. This paper gives a short summary of the German policy towards fragile states, portrays their limitations, efforts and strategies for the future. Key words: fragile states, development policy, development cooperation, Germany, ODA, aid
Civil-law non-employment contracts are abused when employing Polish citizens and foreigners. Contrary to Poles, non-Polish citizens are exposed to linguistic difficulties (the law does not specify a standard of a translation of their contracts), and an application for Polish short-term simplified immigration employment system (a declaration on entrusting work to a foreigner in the territory of the Republic of Poland) does not contain information about differences between civil law and employment contracts. Based on a synthetic theoretical-conceptual analysis the author claims that Polish law exposes foreigners to a higher risk of discrimination. The article aims to prove that mismatch between excessively long court proceedings and short validity of residence permits, as well as linking validity of a visa with employment in a specific employer deprive foreigners from a possibility to effectively personally participate in court proceeding in their employment case. Previous analysis related to seasonal works performed by foreigners had not focused on the nature of the contracts. This article is, therefore, innovative research. It verifies if Polish law discourages employers from abusing civil contracts with such foreigners, if it is in line with the ILO Recommendation No. 198, and if it meets Polish constitutional standard regarding legal clarity. The innovativeness of the research theme can also be derived from the fact that although declarations are the most popular foreigner's employment scheme in Poland and in the European Union, previous research have not focused on human rights of beneficiaries of the declaration scheme. ; Niepracownicze stosunki zatrudnienia cywilnoprawnego są nadużywane podczas zatrudniania obywateli polskich i cudzoziemców. W przeciwieństwie do Polaków obywatele państw pozaunijnych eksponowani są na trudności językowe (prawo nie określa standardu tłumaczenia ich umów), a wniosek o zezwolenie na pobyt w ramach polskiego krótkoterminowego uproszczonego systemu zatrudnienia cudzoziemców ...
The article is a brief introduction to the use of game theory models in studies of national security. It is divided into four parts. The first part discusses basic theoretical issues, i.e. the division of game theory into analytical and behavioural, the concept of the rationality of players, the assumption that the rationality of players is common knowledge, the Nash equilibrium, Pareto efficiency and the classification of games. The second part briefly describes the evolution of game theory analyses in national security. Attention is drawn to the relationship between the development of game theory and military requirements. The third part provides an example of how game theory models can be used in national security studies. Trade relations, which adopt the schema of interactions of the prisoner's dilemma, are discussed in detail. During the analysis, the general model of the prisoner's dilemma, the initial game defining the problem under consideration, and its solutions in the form of an iterated game and metagame are presented. The entire discussion concludes with a summary. The analyses indicate the following advantages of the application of game theory models to the study of national security: 1) game theory models significantly simplify the analysed interactions, thus, allowing to penetrate the processes, bringing out features and relations which have hitherto escaped researchers; 2) the application of game theory models does not require researchers to be familiar with complex mathematical formalisms; 3) game theory models enable the identification of social dilemmas, i.e. situations where the short-term interests of an individual are at odds with the long-term interests of society.
