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What are the outputs and effects of deliberative mini-publics? This is probably one of the most critical questions for any deliberative endeavor. In the realm of large-scale deliberative experiments, the G1000 in Belgium holds a special place: it happened in the wake of the longest government formation ever, it sought to gather 1000 randomly selected citizens in Brussels to discuss key social and political issues, and, above all, it was a fully citizen-led initiative. Its organizers explicitly sought to avoid any political and institutional ties and their focus was much more on guaranteeing a high representativeness and a qualitative process, rather than generating strong political outcomes. While the G1000 did well in terms of representativeness and open agenda setting, the political uptake was very limited in the short term. In the longer term, however, it seems that the effects of the G1000 were larger than initially expected. A rich set of empirical data is used to analyze the interaction between the G1000 with the entire political system by looking at the relation with the media, public opinion, political parties and MPs, and other experiments in deliberative democracy. Such endeavor sheds light on the "so what" question which is key to the development of real-world deliberative democracy.

What are the outputs and effects of deliberative mini-publics? This is probably one of the most critical questions for any deliberative endeavor. In the realm of large-scale deliberative experiments, the G1000 in Belgium holds a special place: it happened in the wake of the longest government formation ever, it sought to gather 1000 randomly selected citizens in Brussels to discuss key social and political issues, and, above all, it was a fully citizen-led initiative. Its organizers explicitly sought to avoid any political and institutional ties and their focus was much more on guaranteeing a high representativeness and a qualitative process, rather than generating strong political outcomes. While the G1000 did well in terms of representativeness and open agenda setting, the political uptake was very limited in the short term. In the longer term, however, it seems that the effects of the G1000 were larger than initially expected. A rich set of empirical data is used to analyze the interaction between the G1000 with the entire political system by looking at the relation with the media, public opinion, political parties and MPs, and other experiments in deliberative democracy. Such endeavor sheds light on the "so what" question which is key to the development of real-world deliberative democracy.

What are the outputs and effects of deliberative mini-publics? This is probably one of the most critical questions for any deliberative endeavor. In the realm of large-scale deliberative experiments, the G1000 in Belgium holds a special place: it happened in the wake of the longest government formation ever, it sought to gather 1000 randomly selected citizens in Brussels to discuss key social and political issues, and, above all, it was a fully citizen-led initiative. Its organizers explicitly sought to avoid any political and institutional ties and their focus was much more on guaranteeing a high representativeness and a qualitative process, rather than generating strong political outcomes. While the G1000 did well in terms of representativeness and open agenda setting, the political uptake was very limited in the short term. In the longer term, however, it seems that the effects of the G1000 were larger than initially expected. A rich set of empirical data is used to analyze the interaction between the G1000 with the entire political system by looking at the relation with the media, public opinion, political parties and MPs, and other experiments in deliberative democracy. Such endeavor sheds light on the "so what" question which is key to the development of real-world deliberative democracy.

What are the outputs and effects of deliberative mini-publics? This is probably one of the most critical questions for any deliberative endeavor. In the realm of large-scale deliberative experiments, the G1000 in Belgium holds a special place: it happened in the wake of the longest government formation ever, it sought to gather 1000 randomly selected citizens in Brussels to discuss key social and political issues, and, above all, it was a fully citizen-led initiative. Its organizers explicitly sought to avoid any political and institutional ties and their focus was much more on guaranteeing a high representativeness and a qualitative process, rather than generating strong political outcomes. While the G1000 did well in terms of representativeness and open agenda setting, the political uptake was very limited in the short term. In the longer term, however, it seems that the effects of the G1000 were larger than initially expected. A rich set of empirical data is used to analyze the interaction between the G1000 with the entire political system by looking at the relation with the media, public opinion, political parties and MPs, and other experiments in deliberative democracy. Such endeavor sheds light on the "so what" question which is key to the development of real-world deliberative democracy.

This article aims at discussing the impact of the OBOR on the relations between China and the European Union and its consequences in terms of regional integration and unity. The first part of the article describes the One Belt One Road strategy and its proposals. Sequentially, a short historical account will be presented on the EU-China cooperation since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1975, characterized by contrasts, but at the same time, the necessity to build a solid partnership. The third part includes an analysis of the EU response to the OBOR, specially focussing on the issues concerning the capability of EU to produce a regional strategy and utilize the opportunity to improve its regional connection and strengthen its relations with the Asian giant. Finally, we will consider the OBOR as an opportunity to strengthen the EU-China relations not only in terms of trade and economy exchange (Hard Connection) but also in terms of Soft Connections necessary to reduce the cultural distance, in order to establish a strong strategic partnership based on mutual understanding. The article will also discuss the opportunity to negotiate the modality of the OBOR implementation not only at a bilateral level but also in multilateral instances that already exist, such as ASEM (Asia-Europe Meeting).

In September 2010, Brazil's Finance Minister, Guido Mantega, used the term "currency war" with reference to monetary policies implemented by different countries to generate an artificial devaluation of their currency and achieve a cheaper, more competitive domestic economy that may be attractive to foreign investors. Similar cases have been documented since the 1930's Great Depression, when several countries abandoned the gold standard as backing for their currencies. More recently, a large-scale asset purchase by Japan's Central Bank in 2013 was singled out as a strategy aimed at generating devaluation of the yen. This research uses statistics of new business formation density reported by Doing Business for 30 emerging countries in the period from 2004 through 2011 to evaluate the impact of devaluation measured by the behavior of the real effective exchange rate (REER) on the rate of new business formation (NBF). It is determined how variables associated with competitiveness affect the relationship between devaluation and business formation. Results show that devaluation has a positive effect on NBF in the short term, which gets diluted in the long term. Countries with greater competitiveness have less dependence on devaluation to increase the number of businesses.

Substantial research has indicated that media violence induces both short- and long-term increases in aggressive thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. Recently, neuroimaging techniques have begun to identify the mechanisms driving these changes. An important avenue that these neuroimaging tools can address is how exposure to media violence in childhood affects brain development, which can have lifelong behavioral consequences. This review highlights neuroimaging research examining how media violence exposure affects the pediatric brain. While such research is limited, evidence suggests that prefrontal mechanisms for controlling emotion and behavior are altered by exposure to violent media. Therefore, long-term increases in aggression and decreases in inhibitory control due to excessive media violence exposure may result from impaired development of prefrontal regions. However, additional neuroimaging research is necessary to establish whether and how exposure to media violence specifically shapes subsequent neural maturation. To optimize the use of neuroimaging in this inquiry, imaging studies should not stand on their own, but instead must be integrated with more traditional research paradigms to establish a more complete picture of effects. Future research must employ more longitudinal approaches to better characterize long-term effects that high exposure to violent screen media may have on brain development, particularly prefrontal and limbic brain regions.

International audience ; The contribution of this article is twofold: the adaptation and application of models of deception from psychology, combined with data-mining techniques, to the text of speeches given by candidates in the 2008 U.S. presidential election; and the observation of both short-term andmedium-term differences in the levels of deception. Rather than considering the effect of deception on voters, deception is used as a lens through which to observe the self-perceptions of candidates and campaigns. The method of analysis is fully automated and requires no human coding, and so can be applied to many other domains in a straightforward way. The authors posit explanations for the observed variation in terms of a dynamic tension between the goals of campaigns at each moment in time, for example gaps between their view of the candidate's persona and the persona expected for the position; and the difficulties of crafting and sustaining a persona, for example, the cognitive cost and the need for apparent continuity with past actions and perceptions. The changes in the resulting balance provide a new channel by which to understand the drivers of political campaigning, a channel that is hard to manipulate because its markers are created subconsciously.

International audience The contribution of this article is twofold: the adaptation and application of models of deception from psychology, combined with data-mining techniques, to the text of speeches given by candidates in the 2008 U.S. presidential election; and the observation of both short-term andmedium-term differences in the levels of deception. Rather than considering the effect of deception on voters, deception is used as a lens through which to observe the self-perceptions of candidates and campaigns. The method of analysis is fully automated and requires no human coding, and so can be applied to many other domains in a straightforward way. The authors posit explanations for the observed variation in terms of a dynamic tension between the goals of campaigns at each moment in time, for example gaps between their view of the candidate's persona and the persona expected for the position; and the difficulties of crafting and sustaining a persona, for example, the cognitive cost and the need for apparent continuity with past actions and perceptions. The changes in the resulting balance provide a new channel by which to understand the drivers of political campaigning, a channel that is hard to manipulate because its markers are created subconsciously.

Die neuerdings populäre Gleichsetzung einer »Prekariat« genannten gesellschaft- lichen Gruppierung mit der »Unterschicht«, die teils auch als »neu« bezeichnet wird, lässt sich als soziologische These nicht halten. Sie bezieht ihre Plausibilität im deutschsprachigen Raum aus einer Untersuchung, die nicht auf die Beschrei- bung sozialer Schichten, sondern politischer Milieus zielte: Das dort als »abge- hängtes Prekariat« beschriebene Milieu ist aber nur eines von mehreren, die im ärmsten Drittel der Gesellschaft verortet werden. Im internationalen Kontext dient der Begriff des Prekariats vorrangig als politisches Erkennungszeichen eines Bünd- nisses verschiedener Gruppen, unter dem sich die wachsende Zahl von Menschen in unsicheren Beschäftigungsverhältnissen soll sammeln können. Dies geht auf die soziologische Einsicht Bourdieus und Castels zurück, dass prekäre Erwerbsverhält- nisse zuungunsten der Arbeitnehmer und Arbeitnehmerinnen unterschiedlicher Schichten auch in Europa auf dem Vormarsch sind. The article deals with the tendency to use the term «precariat» synonymous to «lower strata of society», that has recently grown popular in the German speaking world. As a sociological thesis, however, this does not hold. It goes back to a study published in 2006 trying to identify political milieus rather than social strata. In the international political arena especially in the south-western European countries the concept is used by different political groups as a banner to rally workers employed on short term without social security. The use of the term is based on the sociological insight stating that precarious employment concerning all except the highest social strata is on the rise in western European contexts, too.

This book focuses on the challenges facing governments and communities in preparing for and responding to major crises — especially the hard to predict yet unavoidable natural disasters ranging from earthquakes and tsunamis to floods and bushfires, as well as pandemics and global economic crises. Future-proofing the state and our societies involves decision-makers developing capacities to learn from recent 'disaster' experiences in order to be better placed to anticipate and prepare for foreseeable challenges. To undertake such futureproofing means taking long-term (and often recurring) problems seriously, managing risks appropriately, investing in preparedness, prevention and mitigation, reducing future vulnerability, building resilience in communities and institutions, and cultivating astute leadership. In the past we have often heard calls for 'better future-proofing' in the aftermath of disasters, but then neglected the imperatives of the message. Future-Proofing the State is organised around four key themes: how can we better predict and manage the future; how can we transform the short-term thinking shaped by our political cycles into more effective long-term planning; how can we build learning into our preparations for future policies and management; and how can we successfully build trust and community resilience to meet future challenges more adequately?

Master's thesis in Finance ; The paper analyzes whether there is an optimal maturity for bonds given a set stock/bond portfolio. Mean-variance optimization has been used to combine a portfolio consisting of a given asset allocation of stocks and a dynamic proportion in bonds that gives the highest estimated return for the lowest risk, by changing the maturity of the bonds. The paper uses data for the Norwegian All-share index, and short-term and long-term Norwegian government bonds. The data was divided into three parts; total: 1994-2013, period 1: 1994-2003, and period 2: 2004-2013. The optimal portfolio weights differ from each period, but with similar trend, the portfolio consisted of the obligatory All-Share index and a combination between 3-month, 3-year and 5-year government bonds. Generally, the higher the weight proportion on the risky asset, the portfolio will be better off investing the remaining allocation on long-term government bonds. This was the case for all periods where the risky assets (stocks) had the portfolio majority. For portfolios with a lower risk proportion, it was more unclear, as they are very sensitive to changes in correlation amongst stocks and bonds.

Master's thesis in Finance ; The paper analyzes whether there is an optimal maturity for bonds given a set stock/bond portfolio. Mean-variance optimization has been used to combine a portfolio consisting of a given asset allocation of stocks and a dynamic proportion in bonds that gives the highest estimated return for the lowest risk, by changing the maturity of the bonds. The paper uses data for the Norwegian All-share index, and short-term and long-term Norwegian government bonds. The data was divided into three parts; total: 1994-2013, period 1: 1994-2003, and period 2: 2004-2013. The optimal portfolio weights differ from each period, but with similar trend, the portfolio consisted of the obligatory All-Share index and a combination between 3-month, 3-year and 5-year government bonds. Generally, the higher the weight proportion on the risky asset, the portfolio will be better off investing the remaining allocation on long-term government bonds. This was the case for all periods where the risky assets (stocks) had the portfolio majority. For portfolios with a lower risk proportion, it was more unclear, as they are very sensitive to changes in correlation amongst stocks and bonds.

The objective of Integrated Care Pathways for Airway Diseases (AIRWAYS-ICPs) is to launch a collaboration to develop multi-sectoral care pathways for chronic respiratory diseases in European countries and regions. AIRWAYS-ICPs has strategic relevance to the European Union Health Strategy and will add value to existing public health knowledge by: 1) proposing a common framework of care pathways for chronic respiratory diseases, which will facilitate comparability and trans-national initiatives; 2) informing cost-effective policy development, strengthening in particular those on smoking and environmental exposure; 3) aiding risk stratification in chronic disease patients, using a common strategy; 4) having a significant impact on the health of citizens in the short term (reduction of morbidity, improvement of education in children and of work in adults) and in the long-term (healthy ageing); 5) proposing a common simulation tool to assist physicians; and 6) ultimately reducing the healthcare burden (emergency visits, avoidable hospitalisations, disability and costs) while improving quality of life. In the longer term, the incidence of disease may be reduced by innovative prevention strategies. AIRWAYS-ICPs was initiated by Area 5 of the Action Plan B3 of the European Innovation Partnership on Active and Healthy Ageing. All stakeholders are involved (health and social care, patients, and policy makers).

This book focuses on the challenges facing governments and communities in preparing for and responding to major crises — especially the hard to predict yet unavoidable natural disasters ranging from earthquakes and tsunamis to floods and bushfires, as well as pandemics and global economic crises. Future-proofing the state and our societies involves decision-makers developing capacities to learn from recent 'disaster' experiences in order to be better placed to anticipate and prepare for foreseeable challenges. To undertake such futureproofing means taking long-term (and often recurring) problems seriously, managing risks appropriately, investing in preparedness, prevention and mitigation, reducing future vulnerability, building resilience in communities and institutions, and cultivating astute leadership. In the past we have often heard calls for 'better future-proofing' in the aftermath of disasters, but then neglected the imperatives of the message. Future-Proofing the State is organised around four key themes: how can we better predict and manage the future; how can we transform the short-term thinking shaped by our political cycles into more effective long-term planning; how can we build learning into our preparations for future policies and management; and how can we successfully build trust and community resilience to meet future challenges more adequately?