Suchergebnisse

International audience ; This paper is based on ethnographic research carried out by the author since 2006, first of all in France and then at the headquarters of in Italy. It concerns the functioning and the economic and political dynamics of Slow Food. The analysis examines the articulation between the political dimension of the movement and its "philosophy" and actions in the field of ecology. Slow Food was created in Italy in 1980s and in less than twenty years it has become an international movement to which nearly hundred thousand members belong worldwide. As it has evolved, its field of action and intervention has widened and new "philosophies" have been elaborated. The text follows the way the slow / fast dichotomy has, through time, been used in a variety of ways and examines different registers used by Slow Food, its political and economic connections and interactions as well as the tensions created within the movement by the relation of economy to ecology. ; En s'appuyant sur le travail ethnographique mené par l'auteur depuis 2006 sur le fonctionnement et les dynamiques politiques et économiques de Slow Food (en France d'abord et dans le quartier général en Italie ensuite), l'analyse porte sur l'articulation entre la dimension politique du mouvement, sa philosophie et ses actions dans le champ de l'écologie. Créé en Italie au milieu des années 1980, Slow Food est devenu en moins de vingt ans un mouvement international qui regroupe près de cent mille membres dans divers pays du monde. Au fil de son évolution, ses champs d'action et d'intervention se sont élargis et des nouvelles philosophies ont été élaborées. À partir de la dichotomie slow / fast, et en suivant ses transformations au fil du temps, le texte analyse les différents registres du temps mobilisés par Slow Food, leurs connexions avec le plan politique et économique ainsi que les imbrications et les tensions qui existent entre économie et écologie à l'intérieur du mouvement.

International audience ; This paper is based on ethnographic research carried out by the author since 2006, first of all in France and then at the headquarters of in Italy. It concerns the functioning and the economic and political dynamics of Slow Food. The analysis examines the articulation between the political dimension of the movement and its "philosophy" and actions in the field of ecology. Slow Food was created in Italy in 1980s and in less than twenty years it has become an international movement to which nearly hundred thousand members belong worldwide. As it has evolved, its field of action and intervention has widened and new "philosophies" have been elaborated. The text follows the way the slow / fast dichotomy has, through time, been used in a variety of ways and examines different registers used by Slow Food, its political and economic connections and interactions as well as the tensions created within the movement by the relation of economy to ecology. ; En s'appuyant sur le travail ethnographique mené par l'auteur depuis 2006 sur le fonctionnement et les dynamiques politiques et économiques de Slow Food (en France d'abord et dans le quartier général en Italie ensuite), l'analyse porte sur l'articulation entre la dimension politique du mouvement, sa philosophie et ses actions dans le champ de l'écologie. Créé en Italie au milieu des années 1980, Slow Food est devenu en moins de vingt ans un mouvement international qui regroupe près de cent mille membres dans divers pays du monde. Au fil de son évolution, ses champs d'action et d'intervention se sont élargis et des nouvelles philosophies ont été élaborées. À partir de la dichotomie slow / fast, et en suivant ses transformations au fil du temps, le texte analyse les différents registres du temps mobilisés par Slow Food, leurs connexions avec le plan politique et économique ainsi que les imbrications et les tensions qui existent entre économie et écologie à l'intérieur du mouvement.

International audience ; This paper is based on ethnographic research carried out by the author since 2006, first of all in France and then at the headquarters of in Italy. It concerns the functioning and the economic and political dynamics of Slow Food. The analysis examines the articulation between the political dimension of the movement and its "philosophy" and actions in the field of ecology. Slow Food was created in Italy in 1980s and in less than twenty years it has become an international movement to which nearly hundred thousand members belong worldwide. As it has evolved, its field of action and intervention has widened and new "philosophies" have been elaborated. The text follows the way the slow / fast dichotomy has, through time, been used in a variety of ways and examines different registers used by Slow Food, its political and economic connections and interactions as well as the tensions created within the movement by the relation of economy to ecology. ; En s'appuyant sur le travail ethnographique mené par l'auteur depuis 2006 sur le fonctionnement et les dynamiques politiques et économiques de Slow Food (en France d'abord et dans le quartier général en Italie ensuite), l'analyse porte sur l'articulation entre la dimension politique du mouvement, sa philosophie et ses actions dans le champ de l'écologie. Créé en Italie au milieu des années 1980, Slow Food est devenu en moins de vingt ans un mouvement international qui regroupe près de cent mille membres dans divers pays du monde. Au fil de son évolution, ses champs d'action et d'intervention se sont élargis et des nouvelles philosophies ont été élaborées. À partir de la dichotomie slow / fast, et en suivant ses transformations au fil du temps, le texte analyse les différents registres du temps mobilisés par Slow Food, leurs connexions avec le plan politique et économique ainsi que les imbrications et les tensions qui existent entre économie et écologie à l'intérieur du mouvement.

" Terroir" fait penser à vin : chacun sait que le même cépage cultivé et vinifié de la même façon, donne deux vins différents sur deux terroirs différents. Nous sommes déjà moins familiarisés avec la notion de terroir quand il s'agit de pommes de terre ou de navets, de fromages ou de charcuterie. Pourtant c'est au niveau de très petites zones géographiques que se trouve encore un fabuleux réservoir de diversité, valorisant des ressources biologiques, des territoires, des savoir-faire collectifs : un patrimoine alimentaire, dont les composantes physique, biologique, sociale sont inséparablement liées et même dans les pays pauvres, les consommateurs reconnaissent une valeur, attribuent une réputation au riz de tel village ou à l'huile de palme de telle région. Ce patrimoine a souffert du productivisme des soixante dernières années, mais il peut aujourd'hui bénéficier de nouvelles conditions, à des degrés divers selon les pays : recherche de la qualité par les consommateurs, impasse économique où se trouvent certaines productions, recherche de racines, décentralisation politique. Mouvement international réunissant 80 000 membres présents dans de très nombreux pays, Slow Food a fait de la promotion de la biodiversité alimentaire son cheval de bataille. Il s'agit de " sauver le meilleur du monde " en mettant en oeuvre quelques principes et méthodes.

International audience ; Food-related mobilizations and protests include a wide range of practices, from collective acts by producers or consumers to organized social and political movements, from efforts taking place in small local areas to those involving national or international scales of action. Starting from a large and inclusive definition of « food activism », this paper aims to discuss on forms, ideas and practices of food activism that we can observe in Europe. What are the boundaries of food activism and how can we study it? What kinds of economy do « food activists » imagine or practice? What positions do activists defend and what political strategies do they employ inside Europe? Using two case studies - the international Slow Food movement and vegetable baskets systems like AMAP - I will put forward some hypotheses about the paradigms and practices of such activism. Discussing food activism allows us to understand not only the changes that occur over time in the forms of mobilization and their aims, but also links and connections between different food activisms. And it allows us to reflect also about our paradigms and our practices of research. ; Qu'elles soient locales, nationales ou internationales, les mobilisations et les contestations liées à l'alimentation regroupent un large éventail de pratiques allant des actions collectives de producteurs ou de consommateurs aux mouvements sociaux et politiques structurés. À partir d'une définition large et inclusive de la notion de, ce texte explore diverses formes, conceptions et pratiques du food activism observables en Europe. Comment pouvons-nous analyser le food activism et quelles sont ses limites ? Quels types d'économie imaginent ou pratiquent les food activists ? Quels types de positions défendent-ils et quelles stratégies mettent-ils à l'œuvre en Europe ? À partir de deux cas d'étude – le mouvement international Slow Food et les systèmes de paniers de légumes de type AMAP –, il s'agira d'avancer quelques hypothèses concernant les paradigmes et ...

International audience ; Food-related mobilizations and protests include a wide range of practices, from collective acts by producers or consumers to organized social and political movements, from efforts taking place in small local areas to those involving national or international scales of action. Starting from a large and inclusive definition of « food activism », this paper aims to discuss on forms, ideas and practices of food activism that we can observe in Europe. What are the boundaries of food activism and how can we study it? What kinds of economy do « food activists » imagine or practice? What positions do activists defend and what political strategies do they employ inside Europe? Using two case studies - the international Slow Food movement and vegetable baskets systems like AMAP - I will put forward some hypotheses about the paradigms and practices of such activism. Discussing food activism allows us to understand not only the changes that occur over time in the forms of mobilization and their aims, but also links and connections between different food activisms. And it allows us to reflect also about our paradigms and our practices of research. ; Qu'elles soient locales, nationales ou internationales, les mobilisations et les contestations liées à l'alimentation regroupent un large éventail de pratiques allant des actions collectives de producteurs ou de consommateurs aux mouvements sociaux et politiques structurés. À partir d'une définition large et inclusive de la notion de, ce texte explore diverses formes, conceptions et pratiques du food activism observables en Europe. Comment pouvons-nous analyser le food activism et quelles sont ses limites ? Quels types d'économie imaginent ou pratiquent les food activists ? Quels types de positions défendent-ils et quelles stratégies mettent-ils à l'œuvre en Europe ? À partir de deux cas d'étude – le mouvement international Slow Food et les systèmes de paniers de légumes de type AMAP –, il s'agira d'avancer quelques hypothèses concernant les paradigmes et les pratiques de ces activismes. Interroger le food activism nous permet de comprendre non seulement les changements qui affectent dans le temps ces formes de mobilisation et leurs objectifs, mais aussi les liens et connexions entre différents types d'activismes liés à la sphère de l'alimentation. Cela nous conduit parallèlement à interroger nos propres paradigmes et nos propres pratiques de recherche.

International audience ; Food-related mobilizations and protests include a wide range of practices, from collective acts by producers or consumers to organized social and political movements, from efforts taking place in small local areas to those involving national or international scales of action. Starting from a large and inclusive definition of « food activism », this paper aims to discuss on forms, ideas and practices of food activism that we can observe in Europe. What are the boundaries of food activism and how can we study it? What kinds of economy do « food activists » imagine or practice? What positions do activists defend and what political strategies do they employ inside Europe? Using two case studies - the international Slow Food movement and vegetable baskets systems like AMAP - I will put forward some hypotheses about the paradigms and practices of such activism. Discussing food activism allows us to understand not only the changes that occur over time in the forms of mobilization and their aims, but also links and connections between different food activisms. And it allows us to reflect also about our paradigms and our practices of research. ; Qu'elles soient locales, nationales ou internationales, les mobilisations et les contestations liées à l'alimentation regroupent un large éventail de pratiques allant des actions collectives de producteurs ou de consommateurs aux mouvements sociaux et politiques structurés. À partir d'une définition large et inclusive de la notion de, ce texte explore diverses formes, conceptions et pratiques du food activism observables en Europe. Comment pouvons-nous analyser le food activism et quelles sont ses limites ? Quels types d'économie imaginent ou pratiquent les food activists ? Quels types de positions défendent-ils et quelles stratégies mettent-ils à l'œuvre en Europe ? À partir de deux cas d'étude – le mouvement international Slow Food et les systèmes de paniers de légumes de type AMAP –, il s'agira d'avancer quelques hypothèses concernant les paradigmes et les pratiques de ces activismes. Interroger le food activism nous permet de comprendre non seulement les changements qui affectent dans le temps ces formes de mobilisation et leurs objectifs, mais aussi les liens et connexions entre différents types d'activismes liés à la sphère de l'alimentation. Cela nous conduit parallèlement à interroger nos propres paradigmes et nos propres pratiques de recherche.

Origin food qualification has emerged as a new institutional tendency from the 80s, becoming a relevant asset in the European model of agriculture with the Geographical Indication (GI) system. Place-based labelling led by non-governmental organisations are also multiplying, such as the Presidia projects developed by the Slow Food movement. These public or private initiatives, referred as Origin Food Schemes (OFS), generate significant environmental, social, and cultural outputs, besides producing market value. For these reasons, OFS are also becoming economically and politically relevant in the Global South.In particular, policy makers and social movements have increasingly looked at the effects of OFS on biodiversity, referred to here as cultural biodiversity to underline the relevance given to practices and local knowledge. Considering the gap in knowledge regarding the bio-cultural outcomes of different OFS, this Thesis asks which are the gaps between discourses, understood as policies, systems of knowledge, and communication tools, and both explicit and implicit practices conveyed by OFS as for cultural biodiversity. The Thesis presents the following sub-research questions: Which are the institutions and logics that determine the definition and practices related to cultural biodiversity? How are knowledge and practices codified and, then, are rules applied? To what extent are codified and tacit knowledge and practices modified and re-created within OFS?Four origin cheeses recognized as a GI and/or a Presidium and located in France, Italy and Morocco were selected as case studies and addressed with 24 month-multisite ethnographic enquiries, privileging participant observation and apprenticeship as a research tool to study the embodied and experientially grounded practices.The example of the management of cheese microbiodiversity shows that the Slow Food movement and GI promoters have integrated cultural biodiversity into their institutional discourses in different times and to different extents. Despite ...

Origin food qualification has emerged as a new institutional tendency from the 80s, becoming a relevant asset in the European model of agriculture with the Geographical Indication (GI) system. Place-based labelling led by non-governmental organisations are also multiplying, such as the Presidia projects developed by the Slow Food movement. These public or private initiatives, referred as Origin Food Schemes (OFS), generate significant environmental, social, and cultural outputs, besides producing market value. For these reasons, OFS are also becoming economically and politically relevant in the Global South.In particular, policy makers and social movements have increasingly looked at the effects of OFS on biodiversity, referred to here as cultural biodiversity to underline the relevance given to practices and local knowledge. Considering the gap in knowledge regarding the bio-cultural outcomes of different OFS, this Thesis asks which are the gaps between discourses, understood as policies, systems of knowledge, and communication tools, and both explicit and implicit practices conveyed by OFS as for cultural biodiversity. The Thesis presents the following sub-research questions: Which are the institutions and logics that determine the definition and practices related to cultural biodiversity? How are knowledge and practices codified and, then, are rules applied? To what extent are codified and tacit knowledge and practices modified and re-created within OFS?Four origin cheeses recognized as a GI and/or a Presidium and located in France, Italy and Morocco were selected as case studies and addressed with 24 month-multisite ethnographic enquiries, privileging participant observation and apprenticeship as a research tool to study the embodied and experientially grounded practices.The example of the management of cheese microbiodiversity shows that the Slow Food movement and GI promoters have integrated cultural biodiversity into their institutional discourses in different times and to different extents. Despite ...

Origin food qualification has emerged as a new institutional tendency from the 80s, becoming a relevant asset in the European model of agriculture with the Geographical Indication (GI) system. Place-based labelling led by non-governmental organisations are also multiplying, such as the Presidia projects developed by the Slow Food movement. These public or private initiatives, referred as Origin Food Schemes (OFS), generate significant environmental, social, and cultural outputs, besides producing market value. For these reasons, OFS are also becoming economically and politically relevant in the Global South.In particular, policy makers and social movements have increasingly looked at the effects of OFS on biodiversity, referred to here as cultural biodiversity to underline the relevance given to practices and local knowledge. Considering the gap in knowledge regarding the bio-cultural outcomes of different OFS, this Thesis asks which are the gaps between discourses, understood as policies, systems of knowledge, and communication tools, and both explicit and implicit practices conveyed by OFS as for cultural biodiversity. The Thesis presents the following sub-research questions: Which are the institutions and logics that determine the definition and practices related to cultural biodiversity? How are knowledge and practices codified and, then, are rules applied? To what extent are codified and tacit knowledge and practices modified and re-created within OFS?Four origin cheeses recognized as a GI and/or a Presidium and located in France, Italy and Morocco were selected as case studies and addressed with 24 month-multisite ethnographic enquiries, privileging participant observation and apprenticeship as a research tool to study the embodied and experientially grounded practices.The example of the management of cheese microbiodiversity shows that the Slow Food movement and GI promoters have integrated cultural biodiversity into their institutional discourses in different times and to different extents. Despite ...

Origin food qualification has emerged as a new institutional tendency from the 80s, becoming a relevant asset in the European model of agriculture with the Geographical Indication (GI) system. Place-based labelling led by non-governmental organisations are also multiplying, such as the Presidia projects developed by the Slow Food movement. These public or private initiatives, referred as Origin Food Schemes (OFS), generate significant environmental, social, and cultural outputs, besides producing market value. For these reasons, OFS are also becoming economically and politically relevant in the Global South.In particular, policy makers and social movements have increasingly looked at the effects of OFS on biodiversity, referred to here as cultural biodiversity to underline the relevance given to practices and local knowledge. Considering the gap in knowledge regarding the bio-cultural outcomes of different OFS, this Thesis asks which are the gaps between discourses, understood as policies, systems of knowledge, and communication tools, and both explicit and implicit practices conveyed by OFS as for cultural biodiversity. The Thesis presents the following sub-research questions: Which are the institutions and logics that determine the definition and practices related to cultural biodiversity? How are knowledge and practices codified and, then, are rules applied? To what extent are codified and tacit knowledge and practices modified and re-created within OFS?Four origin cheeses recognized as a GI and/or a Presidium and located in France, Italy and Morocco were selected as case studies and addressed with 24 month-multisite ethnographic enquiries, privileging participant observation and apprenticeship as a research tool to study the embodied and experientially grounded practices.The example of the management of cheese microbiodiversity shows that the Slow Food movement and GI promoters have integrated cultural biodiversity into their institutional discourses in different times and to different extents. Despite ...

International audience ; The horses which pulled the chariots in the Sahara at high speed were small-sized. A team of two horses would have needed about two kilograms of pearl millet to cover their energy requirements at the end of each sportive outing. This quantity of grains corresponds to a meal eaten by four or five adults people in the Sahara and Sahel regions. The bulls (Bos taurus) pulled the chariots at a slow speed. Grazing would have provided sufficient caloric intake to cover their moderate work. Different food requirements for draft animals involved different socioeconomic and political organizations, which may be better understood through current-day African rural life in regions which practise animal traction in cultivation with horses or bulls. ; Les chevaux qui tiraient les chars du Sahara à pleine vitesse étaient de petite taille. Un attelage en bige avait besoin de près de deux kilogrammes de mil pour couvrir sa dépense d'énergie à l'issue de chaque sortie sportive. Cette quantité de grains correspond à un repas pris par quatre ou cinq personnes adultes du Sahara et du Sahel. Les taurins, eux, tiraient les chars à paisible allure. L'apport calorique des pâturages suffisait à compenser leur travail modéré. Ces exigences alimentaires différenciées selon les animaux de trait impliquaient des organisations socio-économiques et politiques distinctes que le monde rural africain actuel, notamment là où se pratique la culture attelée au moyen de chevaux ou de taurins, permet de mieux appréhender.

International audience ; The horses which pulled the chariots in the Sahara at high speed were small-sized. A team of two horses would have needed about two kilograms of pearl millet to cover their energy requirements at the end of each sportive outing. This quantity of grains corresponds to a meal eaten by four or five adults people in the Sahara and Sahel regions. The bulls (Bos taurus) pulled the chariots at a slow speed. Grazing would have provided sufficient caloric intake to cover their moderate work. Different food requirements for draft animals involved different socioeconomic and political organizations, which may be better understood through current-day African rural life in regions which practise animal traction in cultivation with horses or bulls. ; Les chevaux qui tiraient les chars du Sahara à pleine vitesse étaient de petite taille. Un attelage en bige avait besoin de près de deux kilogrammes de mil pour couvrir sa dépense d'énergie à l'issue de chaque sortie sportive. Cette quantité de grains correspond à un repas pris par quatre ou cinq personnes adultes du Sahara et du Sahel. Les taurins, eux, tiraient les chars à paisible allure. L'apport calorique des pâturages suffisait à compenser leur travail modéré. Ces exigences alimentaires différenciées selon les animaux de trait impliquaient des organisations socio-économiques et politiques distinctes que le monde rural africain actuel, notamment là où se pratique la culture attelée au moyen de chevaux ou de taurins, permet de mieux appréhender.