Suchergebnisse

Recent scholarship has put forward two distinct interpretations of the origins of modern national and communal identity in South Asia. One sees colonial modernity as a radical epistemological break and judges the content of pre-colonial pasts irrelevant for understanding modern politics. According to this view, modern identities are responses to colonial constructions of Asian 'tradition'. The other approach sees continuities between the late pre-colonial and early colonial periods. For these writers, the origins of modern national and communal identities lie not only in colonial interventions, but also in non-colonial eighteenth-century social formations and in early colonial interaction between the British and South Asians.

This article aims to measure the transition from a theological way of classifying to the initiation of political thinking in an aristocratic and well-read bourgeois milieu. The shift is from an essentialist conceptualization of social identities (where qualities of the parts were logically deduced from a postulated natural and divine quality of the whole) to an anxious bewilderment in the face of individual cases which did not fit into the old classifications. The analysis relies mostly on a comparison between two academic competitions (Dijon in 1754 and Berlin in 1780) but checks for possible generalization by using examples from the use of categories by the judiciary and an inquiry into a new literary trend patronized by the salons in the 1770's.

The present article examines the impact of the 15th-century Renaissance debate on the true nobility on social beliefs of the English antiquarians of the 16th and 17th centuries. It is based on textual corpora of J. Ferne, T. Milles, J. Selden, M. Carter, and other well-known early modern intellectuals. The author of the article believes that a persistent tendency towards a coherent description and classification of nobility and more broadly — of any social group within the early modern British society — is inseparably connected with the antiquarian tradition of the 16th and 17th centuries. It was within this tradition that so called epistemological turn emerged that led to discursive fragmentation of the entire social order as well as social groups which formed its entirety and complexity. The antiquarian framing of all complexities of social order was based not only on the rejection of an idea of institutional entity — crucial for the medieval corporate theory. In contrast to corporate-functional homogeneity and consistency, it introduced particular group-wide characteristics. These features opened up opportunities for remodeling of the ancient regime with consideration of diversity inherent in social indicia. Nobilitas in the antiquarian texts acquired at least two interconnected meanings. The term was used as a reference to an assemblage of an entire nobility and in this way was very close to a group-wide identity. At the same time, it denoted a total gentility and, in this context, reflected the very complex of Aristotelian and Stoic understanding of the true nobility.

Is climate change insurable? Can insurance, as a technology of risk and governance, organize an adequate social and economic response to the complexity and scale of this modern, global risk? The dissertation assesses the insurability of climate change risks through the lens of the U.S. National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP), the public insurance program that underwrites virtually all flood insurance for homes and small businesses in the U.S. The NFIP is under intense financial strain, struggling to pay claims from recent flooding events and $23 billion in debt to the U.S. Treasury after Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and Hurricane Sandy in 2012. Federal reforms to the NFIP in 2012 and 2014 revisited the question of financial responsibility for flood risk, bringing renewed scrutiny to risk classification, pricing, and distribution in the NFIP, and how these insurance processes should change with the expectation of rising sea levels and stronger storms. Drawing on qualitative and quantitative data, the dissertation traces these processes: the political contestation that shaped them and their social effects. I find that these processes serve as channels through which this particular climate change burden, of more frequent and severe flooding, is individualized. Specifically, updated official risk classifications, combined with changes to the calculation of insurance premiums, shifted more financial responsibility to individual policyholders, who had to find ways to mitigate the risk and its cost in the short term, and grapple with the price of flood risk as a "signal" of climate change in the long term. The dissertation uncovers the social and political challenges of using insurance to manage the risks associated with climate change, of using old programs to meet new threats.Much of the scholarly debate on the insurability of climate change has emphasized technical and epistemological problems related to risk knowledge. Based on the case of the NFIP, I argue instead that distinct and significant limits to insurability derive from contentious risk politics and the social uncertainties that enhanced risk assessments generate. I develop this argument with chapters on risk classification, about establishing boundaries, physical, social, and symbolic, that set categories of risk; on pricing, the use of practices and tools to calculate the cost of risk; and on distribution, the social and spatial allocation of risk and responsibility. Preceding these chapters, a historical chapter traces the origins of the NFIP, how it governs flood risk, and how it arrived at its crisis point. In addition to intervening in the insurability debate, Underwater also seeks to break new ground in the sociology of climate change. Sociologists have shown that the natural disasters—floods, storms, wildfires, heat waves, and so forth—we connect to climate change have fundamentally social sources, and the threats now facing individuals and communities intersect with social differences, such as gender, race/ethnicity, class, and age. However, it is not simply the social production and distribution of hazards themselves that are sociologically important. It is also the representation of those hazards as risk, their economization, and how they are used to govern societies and shape behavior. In other words, we can build our sociological understandings of climate change not solely from investigating the social production and effects of floods, but also from examining the policies and programs that govern them. These policies and programs both shape how our society adapts to the physical, economic, and political pressures of climate change and structure how individuals experience these pressures in their daily lives.

Social management is an order of co-existence of people and exclusive type of joint activity, which is carried out with the help of managerial system to achieve publicly essential goals. An individual has to enter into communication with other individuals to realize his own interests. Mutual interactions among people always implies mutual comparison of interests and obedience to the certain rules, established by the state bodies, public and religion organizations, natural and legal persons. Social management, exercised by managerial systems is an indication of society of great importance. In the theory of administrative law only tree types of social management is distinguished, while it can be classified on the ground of different aspects.

Este artículo problematiza la construcción social de apelativos que identifican los actores involucrados en el contexto del conflicto armado colombiano, evidenciando un campo de disputa simbólica, política y ética en torno a la clasificación social del Otro, considerado peligroso por la institucionalidad, específicamente, las guerrillas surgidas en los años 1960. Se debaten los cambios en las formas de nombrar y su carga ideológica y política según los distintos contextos históricos. Se analizan tres perspectivas de nombrar: la priorización en la violencia, el énfasis en la guerra y el carácter sociopolítico del conflicto. Se sugiere un abordaje menos reduccionista – el campo de los movimientos sociales, que ayude a comprender la complejidad del fenómeno y la dinámica de las contradicciones en el seno de la vida social. ; This article studies the social construction of epithets that identify the actors involved in the context of the Colombian armed conflict, which are evidence of a field of symbolic, political, and ethical dispute regarding the social classification of the Other, considered to be dangerous by the institution, specifically guerrilla groups formed in the 1960s. This paper debates the changes in naming and their ideological and political weight according to different historical contexts. It analyzes three perspectives on naming: the prioritization of violence, the emphasis on the war, and the sociopolitical nature of the conflict. It suggests a less reductionist approach: that the field of social movements can aid in understanding the complexity of the phenomenon and the dynamic of contradictions at the heart of social life.

ABSTRACT: This article studies the social construction of epithets that identify the actors involved in the context of the Colombian armed conflict, which are evidence of a field of symbolic, political, and ethical dispute regarding the social classification of the Other, considered to be dangerous by the institution, specifically guerrilla groups formed in the 1960s. This paper debates the changes in naming and their ideological and political weight according to different historical contexts. It analyzes three perspectives on naming: the prioritization of violence, the emphasis on the war, and the sociopolitical nature of the conflict. It suggests a less reductionist approach: that the field of social movements can aid in understanding the complexity of the phenomenon and the dynamic of contradictions at the heart of social life. ; RESUMEN: Este artículo problematiza la construcción social de apelativos que identifican los actores involucrados en el contexto del conflicto armado colombiano, evidenciando un campo de disputa simbólica, política y ética en torno a la clasificación social del Otro, considerado peligroso por la institucionalidad, específicamente, las guerrillas surgidas en los años 1960. Se debaten los cambios en las formas de nombrar y su carga ideológica y política según los distintos contextos históricos. Se analizan tres perspectivas de nombrar: la priorización en la violencia, el énfasis en la guerra y el carácter sociopolítico del conflicto. Se sugiere un abordaje menos reduccionista – el campo de los movimientos sociales, que ayude a comprender la complejidad del fenómeno y la dinámica de las contradicciones en el seno de la vida social.

This timely volume introduces a new social class schema, the European Socio-economic Classification (ESeC), which has been specifically developed and tested for use in EU comparative research. Social Class in Europe aims to introduce researchers to the new classification and its research potential. Since socio-economic classifications are so widely used in official and academic research, this collection is essential reading for all users of both government and academic social classifications. While primarily aimed at researchers who will be using the ESeC, the book's contents will also have a