Suchergebnisse

The paper shows some aspects of 'border identity' of the two Spanish cities-exclaves: Ceuta and Melilla. It analyses the multicultural dimensions of coexistence between Muslim (Moroccan) and Spanish populations. The article refers to some political, social and economic challenges: Moroccan revindication policy, growing number of Muslim communities, illegal migration, the phenomenon of violent radicalization inspired by the jihadi ideology etc. In this context, the paper focuses on the most important elements of 'the border identity' which are crucial to further the understanding of social problems in these cities. The methodological
analysis is based on the integration of historical and system methods as well as scientific research and investigation conducted in Spain. Regarding some integration and inclusion efforts there are still unsolved social and economic problems that may have infl uence on the coexistence of different ethnocultural communities in the future.

The article presents the influence of globalisation on identity and the question of individualisation. Globalisation implies multiple processes that are not uniform, as they occur at different times and in different places. Globalisation impacts the youth, families and cultural systems. The processes of globalisation may contribute to the loss of cultural identity. The diverse nature of globalisation has given rise to new identities. Identity is defined as a process of internal and external adjustment. Concurrently, the challenges posed by globalisation are presented, for instance: identity and freedom of individualisation versus community and belonging. The author explores some of the new challenges and trends, presenting them from selected theoretical perspectives.

Space, place and identity have become keywords in social and cultural science. This article will briefly review one specific part of the complicated identity discourse, the question of social identity and space as an element of identity. This paper presents some views on space, globalization and identity and the relations between these categories.

International audience ; The supranational identity concepts and their perception among nations constitute one of the determinants of the integration and disintegration processes in the post-Soviet area. One of these concepts is Turkism – an attempt to create identity foundation for the integration of the post-Soviet states under the aegis of Turkey. This paper analyzes the evolution of its principal assumptions and goals, dimensions of its realization, as well as determinants of its further development in the post-Soviet area. The idea of Turkism as a concept of ethnic-cultural community evolved from the nineteenth- century Pan-Turkism which postulated political integration of the Turkic nations. Among the determinants that limited political ambitions of Turkey after the collapse of the USSR, therecan be indicated: nationalisms as an expression of ruling elites' interests, lack of supranational community feeling among the societies, concerns about the possible reaction of Moscow and fears raised by the Turkish hegemonic ambitions. As a result, Turkey started to put emphasis on bilateral relations with the post-Soviet partners and concentrate on cooperation in economic and social sphere, including cultural and educational activities. Although, even there the success of Turkey was incomplete, the viability of this pragmatic approach was proved by the revival of political dimension of mutual contacts in 2006–2008 and their institutionalization. In the coming years the following factors may determine the development of Turkism in the post-Soviet area: growing ambitions of Turkey as a regional player, dynamics of relations between Ankara, former Soviet republics, the West and Moscow, domestic policy challenges in the post-Soviet states, their developmental needs in the globalized world, and last but not least: the role of Ankara in strengthening the post-Soviet states' multi-vector foreign policy as a method to maximize benefi ts from international cooperation. Divergent national and elites' interests of the ...

The situation during the current pandemic caused by COVID-19, this time of isolation, difficult health situations, and often familial and social trouble, increasingly provokes a reflection on the literature that is offered in the curriculum for pupils at early school age. My focus in this article is texts of audiovisual literature that use the code of new media and address the issue of dysfunction in the home, which can also be exacerbated in these difficult times. I am referring to the loneliness of a child, adults' disregard and misunderstanding of children, and domestic violence, but also the needs of people with mental disabilities and the situations of their relatives, especially the youngest ones. It is worth noting that guidelines formulated by the government for early literature classes were not based on or preceded by conversations with children in order to explore the aforementioned issues. Meanwhile, literature defined as a kind of thought laboratory, among other things, stands in opposition to governmental regulations. Especially in the current situation, students need literary works which speak to them through relevant content and through the media poetics to which contemporary children and adolescents are accustomed. A reflective teacher can use such books to guide the children to make a discovery about the world, find their own place the texts of identity audiovisual literature which, in building a narrative, fits into the categories of audiovisuality proposed by Adam Regiewicz and deals with the forementioned problems. ; Sytuacja związana z aktualnym czasem pandemii spowodowanej wirusem COVID -19, czas odizolowania, trudnych sytuacji zdrowotnych i niejednokrotnie społecznych, rodzinnych wywołuje ze zwiększoną siłą przemyślenia dotyczące literatury proponowanej uczniom w wieku wczesnoszkolnym oraz możliwości jej lektury na pierwszym etapie zorganizowanego kształcenia. Chodzi o teksty literatury audiowizualnej, wykorzystującej kod nowych mediów i koncentrujące się wokół tematyki związanej z problemem, który w czasie pandemii może być zwielokrotniony. Jest nim dysfunkcja domu rodzinnego, w której mieści się samotność i niezrozumienie najbliższych, potrzeby osoby dotkniętej upośledzeniem umysłowym, a nawet domowa przemoc. Jak dotąd, ministerialnie konstruowane wytyczne dla początkowej komunikacji literackiej nie proponują rozmów z dziećmi zgłębiających przywołane wyżej zagadnienia. Tymczasem literatura definiowana między innymi jako swoiste laboratorium myślowe stoi na stanowisku a contario do urzędniczego. Dodatkowo lektura młodszego ucznia wspólnie z dzisiejszą rzeczywistością upomina się o takie utwory, które za pośrednictwem medialnej poetyki, własnej treści i refleksyjnego nauczyciela pozwoli dziecku dokonać rozpoznania w świecie i jednocześnie uporać się z życiowymi trudami. Artykuł akcentuje teksty literatury audiowizualnej, tożsamościowej, korzystającej w budowaniu narracji z rozwiązań technologicznych oraz zajmujące się wspomnianą tematyką.

The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria. ; The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the 'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and inter- pretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria.

"Monografia gromadzi studia poświęcone wyobrażeniom zbiorowym, mitom politycznym, wreszcie - pamięci zbiorowej. To problematyka, która budzi coraz większe zainteresowanie nie tylko historyków, którzy zwykle bywają bliżsi idiografii, lecz także politologów, socjologów, specjalistów od stosunków międzynarodowych i kulturoznawców. Jesteśmy zaskakiwani zarówno tym, co się dzieje w Europie i na innych obszarach globu ziemskiego, czyli rozpadem z pozoru stabilnego ładu, jak i szybkością oraz nieprzewidywalnością zmian, których nie są w stanie przewidzieć prospektywnie nastawieni ludzie nauki. Mamy do czynienia z obojętnością społeczeństw nawet wtedy, gdy zagrożenie staje się bezpośrednie. Poniekąd stajemy się zbiorowościami, jakich nie wymyśliłby George Orwell. Niewielkie grupy sterników zbiorowej świadomości ludzi "popychają" te społeczności w kierunkach, które sami znają. Wszystko to dzieje się za sprawą usilnego dążenia do kreowania wyobrażeń zbiorowych przez nowoczesne media. Refleksja nad problematyką wyobrażeń zbiorowych i tożsamości w jej dwóch wymiarach staje się zatem żywotnie potrzebna."--