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This paper analyzes the implications of social identity and self-categorization in the context of optimal redistributive income taxation. A two-type model is supplemented by an assumption that individuals select themselves into social categories, in which norms are formed and education effort choices partly depend on these norms. Optimal tax policy is analyzed under two different assumptions about the social objective function: a welfarist objective based on consumer preferences and a paternalist objective that does not reflect the consumer preference for social identity. We show how the welfarist government implements a tax policy to internalize the externalities arising from social norms, while the paternalist government uses tax policy to make individuals behave as if their preferences for social identity were absent.

Zwischen dem 5. und 1. Jhdt. v. Chr. betrachteten politische Theoretiker in China und Europa Musik als nützlichen Maßstab für den politischen Charakter und Zustand von Gesellschaften und ihren Machthabern. Auch wenn ihre Ansichten keiner wissenschaftlichen Basis entsprangen, können schriftliche Überlieferungen und archäologische Quellen heute herangezogen werden, um Musik und damit zusammenhängende kulturelle Äußerungen im Umfeld der Macht und ihren unmittelbaren Einflussbereichen zu verorten. Sie können so über Identität, Selbstverständnis, Ansehen und Status informieren: vom Haushalt über den Staat, bei Eroberungen und Machtausübung, im Fall von Widerständen und Rebellionen sowie in der Rechtsprechung, Diplomatie und Schlichtung. Allem Anschein nach können diese Quellen in der Tat etwas Neues über Machtbeziehungen, Ideologie und politischen Wandel in der antiken Welt vermitteln. Sie dienen zudem als indirekter Indikator für politische agency in schriftlosem Umfeld.

This extract is taken from the author's original manuscript and has not been edited. The definitive, published, version of record is available here: http://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9781137291172. Reproduced with permission of Palgrave Macmillan. ; Political behaviour always involves social groups, whether these take the form of concrete networks and gatherings of individuals such as pressure groups, demonstrations, governments, cadres or committees, or whether they are constituted as large-scale institutions or imagined communities (Anderson, 1991) such as polities, states, political parties, interest groups, publics, constituencies or electorates. In so far as social groups are central to politics, it follows that the psychology of groups should be relevant to our understanding of political psychology. Social Identity Theory and Self-Categorization Theory represent major theoretical attempts to clarify the social psychological processes associated with group membership and action, and should therefore be in a good position to provide a significant contribution to that understanding.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has always been one of the most debated political cases. However, usually the focus is on the physical, political and economic views of the conflict. This research focuses on the psychosocial analysis of the Palestinian social identity in Jerusalem. It explores the reasons behind the Islamization of social identity among Palestinian Jerusalemites. It does so through the eyes of Palestinian females who live in East Jerusalem. The study seeks to understand how the Palestinian participants from East Jerusalem define their social identity. The definition was categorized into three groups: Islamic, Arabic and Palestinian. In addition to that, the study investigated the perceived threats posed on the participant's social identity. These threats are categorized into: threats from the Israeli occupation, the Palestinian society itself, and the corruption of the Palestinian authority. Moreover, this research compares the role of religion in the lives of Palestinian Jerusalemites now and twenty years ago. Therefore, it shows how and when the Islamization of social identity started. The results of this research are based on primary and secondary resources. I have conducted 25 individual interviews and a process of participant observation. The argument of this paper is that the Islamization of social identity in Jerusalem is a process with two main reasons behind it. First, the fall of Palestinian nationalism after the Oslo Accords and the Palestinian civil war. This led into identity crisis and created an identity vacuity which needed to be filled. Second the direct threat posed on the Palestinian Islamic identity during the Second Intifada and until now. This made the Islamic identity the salient one. The Islamic identity needed to be defended, therefore, it was prioritized and used to demonstrate the urgency of staying in Jerusalem. ; M-DS

The Pashtun borderland has assumed enormous international political significance in the wake of 9/11. However, the Pashtun inhabitants of the area continue to be profoundly impacted by the on-going conflict in the region. The conflict has reconfigured the whole fabric of the socio-cultural life of its inhabitants. While some scholastic attempts have been made to address the socio-dynamics of the conflict, detailed accounts of the impacts of the conflict on Pashtun social identity 'Pashtunwali' remain scarce. This study aims to investigate how the violent conflict in the region has changed the Pashtun socio-cultural system of "Pashtunwali" including, for example, Jirga, Melmastia and Hujra. This socio-cultural system has, in the past, played a crucial role in conflict resolution and sustaining peace in society. Field data was gathered in Pakistan's tribal areas and in selected urban areas through semi-structured interviews and participant observation with local and key respondents. The study finds that under the influence of transnational ideologies, militants incorporated religiosity into the secular culture of Pashtunwali which, in turn, has significantly impacted the socio-cultural life of the tribal people.

The dominant theories in the study of political partisanship and policy attitude formation tend to focus on the role of either individual-level processes or large-scale political events. The series of studies that comprise this dissertation project seek to bridge that divide -- highlighting the interaction of individual variation in social identities with external political events -- to explain differences in partisanship and policy attitudes among members of three groups: white Catholics, Latinos, and Jewish Americans. The three studies show that the strength with which a person identifies as a member of each group is consequential to their issue priorities, and subsequently to their partisanship under conditions of partisan differentiation. Taken together, these studies provide a well-supported theoretical framework that connects and builds on research from political science, psychology, and communication studies.

Violent instances of intergroup conflict in recent memory have usually involved cultural groups, but theory and research on the psychology of intergroup relations is largely culture free. The two most prominent theories, realistic group conflict theory (RGCT) and social identity/self-categorization theory (SIT/SCT) provide fundamental insight into basic processes in intergroup relations: (1) that behavior in intergroup situations is qualitatively different than that involved in interpersonal situations (including transformations of the self and relationships with others), (2) competition over material resources is the driver for intergroup conflict, but psychological identification with a group is sufficient to produce ingroup favoritism, and (3) social comparisons between groups provide psychological fuel for intergroup conflict. Social representations of history, encompassing shared knowledge about history and its meaning distributed across different groups, can be used to derive a more culture-specific approach to understanding intergroup relations. Empirical results show that popular history is a story about politics and war, and that historical symbols are part of cultural narratives that can be used to mobilize public opinion and construct national identity. Universal processes of intergroup relations and social identity are constrained by societal belief structures, which in turn are responsive to the identity and generational processes involved in collective remembering.

In this work we propose a dynamic agent-based model of social identity, named IDeA, which is capable of creating characters that have an improved ability to handle and comprehend the social context in which a game situation takes place as well as the social identities involved in that context. The model explores how a character can use identity processes that are grounded on the social sciences literature as a tool for behaviour selection and filtering. As a result, characters will choose to adopt different identities dependent on their resources and goals as well as the relevant features of the contexts in which they find themselves in. A simple demonstrator application was implemented using our model to illustrate how a character can make different decisions in the same game scenario. Using the implemented demonstrator, a study was conducted where participants observed and judged how the character behaves in different conditions regarding the context of the situation. The results obtained revealed the presence of a dominant identity among the alternatives. ; This study is part of the RAGE project. The RAGE project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 644187. This publication reflects only the author's view. The European Commission is not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains.

The Occupy movement made a series of local 'sit-ins' in cities across the world in response to financial and political injustices. Prior to the movement's emergence, the Internet provided a transnational forum for people across the world to discuss their opinions and coalesce about the financial and political context. Here, we analyze 5,343 posts on the '#OccupyWallStreet' Facebook event page to identify linguistic markers of shared social identity formation. Results suggest that discussants formed a shared identity if they agreed on both the desired change (the injunctive norm, 'revoke corporate personhood') and the pre-defined action (occupy Wall Street). Lines of consensus and dissensus on injunctive norms and actions delineated the development of both affirmational ingroup and negational outgroup identities. We conclude that online discussion can create both ingroups and outgroups through (in)validating ideas about social reformation and delineating shared psychological spaces.

Diese Dissertation besteht aus vier Kapiteln, die sich mit verschiedenen Aspekten sozialer Identität im Deutschland des 19. Jahrhunderts befassen. Das erste Kapitel analysiert den Effekt früher Nationsbildung. Daten über die Vornamenswahl der Eltern in acht deutschen Städten und die Klassifizierung der Vornamen erlauben es, Veränderungen der nationalen Identität zu fassen. Anhand der Variation in Familien über die Zeit und des Vergleichs von Städten, die 1815 Teil Preußens werden, mit anderen Städten, die außerhalb Preußens blieben, wird der insgesamt positive Effekt ermittelt. Das zweite Kapitel untersucht die Wirkung von Bismarcks Zuckerbrot-und-Peitsche-Politik auf den Wahlerfolg der Sozialdemokratie. Für die empirische Analyse nutze ich Varianz in bereits bestehenden Krankenversicherungen sowie Informationen zu verbotenen Vereinen in einem Differenz-in-Differenzen Ansatz. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass es Bismarck's Politiken zu steigendem Erfolg für die Sozialdemokratie geführt haben. Das dritte Kapitel untersucht die "Getreideinvasion" der ersten Globalisierung. Die empirischen Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Handelsschocks in der Landwirtschaft die Wirtschaft der ländlichen Kreise in Preußen belasten. Entscheidend ist indes, dass dieser Handelsschock aufgrund starker Arbeitsmigration nicht zu einem entsprechenden Rückgang des Pro-Kopf-Einkommens oder einer Zunahme der politischen Polarisierung führte. Im vierten Kapitel wird Max Webers Hypothese einer protestantischen Ethik überprüft. Die empirische Analyse zeigt, dass Protestantismus nach 1870 weder für das Einkommensniveau noch für die Ersparnisse oder die Alphabetisierungsraten in den preußischen Kreisen eine Rolle spielte. Stattdessen ist, so das Argument, Nationalismus sowohl für die Interpretation von Webers protestantischer Ethik als auch für deren empirische Überprüfung von entscheidender Bedeutung. ; This dissertation is composed of four chapters which deal with various aspects of social identity in 19th century Germany. The first chapter analyzes the effect of nation-building in cities that became part of Prussia in 1815. Data on first name choices by parents in eight German cities allow to elicit changes in national identity. Using within-family variation and comparing cities that become part of Prussia with other cities that stayed outside Prussia identifies the overall positive treatment effect. The second chapter investigates the effect of Bismarck's carrot and stick policies on the electoral success of the socialist party. For identification, I exploit spatial and industry specific variation in treatment intensity due to ex-ante existing local health insurance. The results show that Bismarck failed in reducing the support for the socialist party. The third chapter studies the "grain invasion" – the "China shock" of the first globalization. The empirical results show that trade shocks in agriculture depress the economy of rural counties in Prussia. Crucially, there is no indication of a corresponding decline in income per capita or a rise in political polarization which is attributed to high levels of labor migration. The fourth chapter revisits Max Weber's hypothesis on the role of Protestantism for economic development in its contemporary context. The empirical analysis provides evidence that Protestantism neither mattered for income levels, nor savings, nor literacy rates across Prussian counties after 1870. Instead, the chapter argues that nationalism is crucial for both the interpretation of Weber's Protestant Ethic and empirical tests thereof. While covering different contexts in 19th century Germany, these chapters are united in dealing with various aspects of social identity – either exploring potential political and economic causes of changes in social identities (chapter 1, 2, and 3) or possible consequences of social identity (chapter 4).

India addressed the requirement for pro-poor service delivery in rural regions by introducing decentralization and affirmative action policies. In order to measure the social preferences of local decision makers, we conducted field experiments which simulated the selection of needy beneficiaries for welfare schemes. While potential recipients with less land were clearly favoured, decision makers also allocated resources to recipients with whom they could identify in terms of caste, gender and political party affiliation. The findings imply that the allocation of resources was not only motivated by neediness, but also by in-group favouritism. However, social identity-based preferences carry the danger of exclusion in providing rural services to the poor.

As an individual, I have always valued diversity. The blending of different cultures has always been a part of my reality because of the environment where people from different tribes, ethnicity, and religion lived together in harmony. Growing up in Nigeria, the different tribes of my country were able to co-exist, more than that, they often shared the information about their different beliefs. The sharing of the different cultures helped foster a community that was accepting of people regardless of what made them different. Moving to the United States, I experienced a culture shock because I was in a new environment where difference is not celebrated, but actually comes with hostility and culture division. This realization was tough to accept. Knowing the history of the United States, I curious to understand why people were not as accepting of each other, a reality different from what I experienced coming from a different country. Through my communication studies classes, I became more aware of the roles cultural identities played in how we interact with each other. I was also more aware that good communication is the key to fostering community. Because of this, I decided to explore this topic to understand how our social identities played a role in how we communicate the differences we had. To do this, I read multiple research papers who shared my desire to bridge our community; I explore political correctness, cultural competence, cultural humility, and why difference matter. I also interviewed fifteen individuals to get their insight and have an answer to my main research question which is "what needs to happen to help people be able to communicate better about the difference?

The current research assessed whether a statement by a deviant political ingroup (versus outgroup) member elicited measureable differences on trivialization, cognitive dissonance, rape myth acceptance, or decision to vote for that candidate, and if explicitly "debunking" the statement made by this politician further impacted these variables. Participants were randomly assigned to read a statement made by a Republican or Democratic politician, who would either be an ingroup or outgroup member based on the party affiliation of each participant. Results indicate that while there were no significant differences between Republican or Democratic participants overall, Republicans tended to trivialize the statements made by their ingroup politician more than Democrats. Contrary to the hypotheses, participants experienced similar levels of dissonance across voting decision after reading about a deviant ingroup member. However, consistent with theory, there was significantly lower dissonance among those who read about an outgroup politician and voted for an ingroup politician. While failing to reach statistical significance, a trend towards increased rape myth acceptance among participants who read about a deviant ingroup politician and then voted for them was revealed, and this was fully mediated by level of trivialization.Implications for social identity and cognitive dissonance theories are discussed.

Recent decades have seen a rise in polarization in many countries, but the causes and mechanisms behind this rise are still heavily debated. Even though polarization is reliably connected to extreme affect and elevated social identity salience, these connections have been treated as ephemeral by most researchers. In this thesis, we identify affect and social identity as central drivers of political polarization. Our methodological approach is both theory-driven and data-driven. By combining theories from psychology and political science, we develop a theoretical perspective that links affect to cognitive processes and social identity, and, via interactions, relations and communication, to the emergence of polarization on the collective level. To test this theoretical framework, we apply state-of-the-art statistical, affect detection and natural language processing methods to large-scale datasets from various online media, political surveys, as well as a unique dataset covering 96 years of political interactions in the Swiss parliament. We also contribute to political science methodology by developing theoretically grounded measures of relational polarization. Our analyses reveal how affect influences cognitive processes in ways that, depending on the specific affective state, either lead to thorough evaluation and complex processing of political arguments, or to reliance on simple cognitive heuristics and group membership cues. In online discussion, the effect of affect is reinforced by affect sharing and the concomitant emergence of collective affect. In this way, online discussions can tilt into states dominated by extreme affective expressions, and characterized by repetitive and superficial argumentation, which in turn promotes the emergence of polarization. We also explore how properties of online media, such as character constraints, facilitate the sharing of affect, and thus might contribute to polarization. On the political macro-level, we can show how affect interacts with characteristics of the political situation to influence long-term trends in polarization. When power is monopolized and public resources are scarce, both extreme affect and polarization increase. Power sharing and economic prosperity, in contrast, lead to periods of political harmony. Finally, we demonstrate how, by implementing psychologically founded micro-mechanisms, the alignment and polarization of ideological positions can be reproduced with an agent based model. Again, affect is identified as the central driver of ideological alignment and polarization. In conclusion, through this thesis we contribute to polarization research in three ways: i) by advancing the conceptual understanding of polarization by merging theoretical perspectives from psychology and political science, ii) by expanding the methodological tool set of these disciplines, and iii) by compiling several unique large-scale datasets, which will be made available to the research community.

In this research, we address a longstanding question concerning how individuals evaluate social and political issues. We focus on the role that political self-identification plays when individuals evaluate policy statements. In a laboratory setting, participants completed a task facilitation procedure, in which they made paired sets of judgments about a series of policy statements. Relative to a control task, ideological categorization of policy statements as liberal or conservative influenced the ease of evaluation. On experimental trials that began with ideological categorization, policy evaluations that were consistent with the participant's own ideology were made more quickly than responses that were ideologically inconsistent and more quickly than responses following a control judgment. In three experiments, we show that this effect is stronger for individuals with more accessible ideological identification (Experiment 1) and more extreme ideological identification (Experiment 2), and that it holds when examining partisan instead of ideological identification (Experiment 3). The findings suggest that the use of ideological category information can facilitate and interfere with evaluative judgments of political issues, and that the use of such categories varies as a function of individual differences in the strength of political identification.