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Lee Chun Wing John. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 169-181). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.1 ; Acknowledgements --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Literature Review and Methodology --- p.13 ; Theories in Social Movements --- p.13 ; High-risk Activism --- p.20 ; Collective Identity and Personal/Individual Identity --- p.22 ; Frame Analysis and Identity --- p.29 ; Sources of Data --- p.31 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Who are They? --- p.36 ; The Emergence of the Hong Kong Identity --- p.37 ; Phase One --- p.42 ; Phase Two --- p.46 ; Phase Three --- p.51 ; Phase Four --- p.57 ; Phase Five --- p.62 ; Phase Six --- p.66 ; Summary --- p.69 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Who are We? --- p.71 ; What is Collective Identity? --- p.72 ; A Common Objective --- p.75 ; Negotiation --- p.80 ; Consciousness: Rule of Law? --- p.84 ; Consciousness: Rights --- p.86 ; Affection Developed through Interaction --- p.92 ; Lack of Unity --- p.98 ; ´بSaiWan´ة --- p.100 ; Summary --- p.103 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Who am I? (I) --- p.107 ; Social Identity Theory and Social Movements --- p.108 ; Relative Deprivation --- p.114 ; Illegitimate Inequality --- p.120 ; Views on Outgroups --- p.120 ; Movement Not the Best Option --- p.123 ; Fighting for Individual Status Improvement? --- p.127 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Who am I? (II) --- p.131 ; Identity Theory --- p.132 ; A 'Child' Identity --- p.136 ; Psychological Centrality --- p.139 ; Commitments --- p.142 ; Changes after Participation --- p.145 ; Summary --- p.147 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Conclusion --- p.150 ; Why They Participated? --- p.150 ; Why Some of Them are so Committed? Why Some of them Want to Quit? --- p.153 ; Politics and the Right of Abode Movement --- p.156 ; Implications --- p.159 ; Identity Politics? --- p.163 ; Appendix --- p.167 ; Bibliography --- p.169

「何謂社運成果」是過去一段時間社運研究的主要範圍。回顧文獻,關於「社運成果」(Movement outcome)的討論都圍繞政府對運動的政策回應。然而,本研究則針對政府對運動的論述回應,從政策回應(Policy responsiveness)及論述回應(Discursive responsiveness)兩個維度,探討分析社運成果的其他可能性。尤其是,本研究會著重探討「論述挪用」(Discursive appropriation)的操作及對社運成果的影響。 ; 所謂論述挪用,即政府選擇性地取用社運認知框架(Movement frame)作為政策認知框架(Policy frame),局部地回應社運團體及抗爭者的政策訴求,藉此表示已經作出政策回應,同時把社運團體及抗爭者依賴的認知框架收為己用。 ; 本研究以「高官問責制」及保育政策為個案,嘗試整理論述挪用的產生因素和機制。本研究提出論述機會結構(Discursive opportunity structure)及關鍵突發事件(Critical incident)作為主要的背景因素,促使社運認知框架及媒介認知框架(Media frame)產生互動及不同能動者的論述角逐,構成可供政府挪用的民意。最後,政府選擇了合用的論述,制定政策或作出政策轉變,並指為對社運團體及公眾作出了回應。 ; 本研究的結果給現時關於社運成果的文獻一個重要提示:如果加入論述回應去分析社運成果,實在不能排除,在論述挪用的操作下,某個特定時刻的社運成果,其實難以持續。更甚者,當本來的社運論述已經被政府收為己用,除非有新一波關鍵突發事件出現,否則,在缺乏論述資源下,社運團體關注的議程往往難以再獲得社會關注,再次推展運動。 ; 關鍵字:社運成果、認知框架、公共論述、論述機會結構、高官問責制、古蹟保育 ; "To what extent a social movement is successful" is the question that the current social movement research focuses on asking. While the conventional discussion of "movement outcome" emphasizes on the government's response in terms of the policy change, this research aims at enriching the discussion by looking into the government's discursive responsiveness as the additional dimension to analyze movement outcome. In particular, it focuses on the conceptual possibility of "discursive appropriation". It means that the government appropriated the movement frame for the initiatives of policy that seemed to be made in response to the social movement. ; With Hong Kong as the research context, the Accountability System for Principal Officials and the policies of heritage conservation were the case studies of the research. To look into the mechanism of discursive appropriation, the research identified discursive opportunity structure and critical incidents as the contextual factors for the discursive contest. Then the circulation of movement frame and media frame constituted as the major part of public opinion. Finally, the bias and limitation of the media and the challengers enabled the government to selectively appropriate certain part of the public discourse for ...

by Wu Wai Man. ; Thesis submitted in: December 1997. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-150). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Theoretical Framework --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Operationalization of the Theoretical Framework --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- General Configurations of the Collective Action Events Concerning Issues of Public Housing Estates --- p.38 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Hong Kong Government's Propensity of Repression --- p.49 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Formal and Informal Access for Participants of the Public Housing Movement --- p.69 ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Policy and Strategic Orientation of the Grass-Root Oriented Political Parties --- p.99 ; Chapter Chapter 8 --- Changes in the Political Alignment: the Protrusions of Pro-China Resident Organizations --- p.125 ; Chapter Chapter 9 --- Conclusion --- p.133 ; Appendix Background Information of the Interviewees --- p.145 ; Bibliography --- p.146

本研究針對三個重要層面(論述、鬥爭和情感的過程)進行探索,討論社會運動中反對勢力框架的建構和發展。本文將先探討社會運動如何在論述層面上建構框架,令運動框架取得認受性並挑戰主流霸權論述;是次研究亦會討論互聯網時代如何影響框架爭奪戰的進行;最後,本文將分析框架美學化的現象如何影響社會運動的動員。本研究以香港的菜園村抗爭運動作為案例,並採用文本分析、訪問及參與式觀察等研究方法。 ; 本文旨在擴充框架分析的討論層面:除探討其認知層面外,本文更試圖討論框架建構中被忽略的面向:情感性層面。此外,本文亦會分析框架爭奪戰的場境如何在互聯網時代被擴大。 ; 在認知層面上,本文發現在論述性的框架建構過程中,若框架的理念能充分回應社會、政治及文化上的斷裂,框架動員力便會提高。此外,在運動過程中,策略性的框架轉化亦有助號召不同界別的群體參與。 ; 在鬥爭層面上,本文指出在互聯網時代,社會運動與政府、主流傳媒進行框架爭奪戰的場境已被伸延及擴大。而互聯網所造就的分散式競爭能量及沉積性網絡結構則對運動於框架爭奪戰過程中有利。 ; 最後,在情感層面上,本文認為近年社會運動中採用的美學化運動手段,有助運動在情感和道德價值上動員群聚,因美學化的框架不單有助社會運動鞏固其內部聯繫,對民眾整體都有吸引力。 ; This study investigates the construction and development of opposition frames in a social movement by exploring three important dimensions: the discursive, contested, and affective processes. This study first elucidates how counter-frames can be discursively constructed to gain legitimacy in challenging the dominant hegemonic belief. Second, the study reviews how the framing processes have been influenced by the Internet in the digital era. Finally, it investigates how the aestheticization of frames relates to the affective mobilization of a movement. These questions were addressed through the case of the Tsoi Yuen resistance movement, a two-year struggle in Hong Kong. To this end, textual analysis, interviews, and participant observations are employed. ; This study seeks to elaborate upon the framing perspective by discussing not only the cognitive meaning alignment processes, but also expanding the theoretical discussion in the affective dimension of framing, which is an under-explored area. In addition, it contributes to the investigation of the expanded frame contestations in the Internet era. ; On the cognitive level, this thesis argues that the discursive framing strategies have worked best when meanings are activated by exploiting the social, political, and cultural cleavages in post-colonial Hong Kong. In addition, the transformation of framing strategies can facilitate mobilizations across a variety of groups of targets when different cleavages are echoed. ; For the ...

自90年代初起,中國的拉拉(女同性戀)運動共經歷了近20年的發展。本研究探討在這20年的時間裏,拉拉運動家如何將拉拉運動從只限於北京地區的少數女同性戀活動,擴展成為全國遍地開花的拉拉活動和組織。 ; 然而,在這一過程中,拉拉運動家遭遇了各種各樣的困境。這其中既包括了威權政府統治對草根行動的重重限制,也包括媒體在性少數議題上的保守態度和審查機制,還包括國內缺少關於中國同志運動本土化的思想資源。本研究以"實用主義反抗"為論文的中心論點來展示拉拉運動家如何應對這些困境和促進運動的發展。"實用主義反抗"揭示了拉拉運動家的實用主義精神和遊牧主體性。具體來說,該概念是用於指稱她們的多元運動策略,也即是在不同的語境和運動發展階段相應地實踐不同策略。同時,她們也不死守某一種身份和意識形態,而是靈活地挪用各種身份和思想資源來促進變革。 ; 本論文集中討論拉拉運動家實用主義反抗的三種具體策略。首先,拉拉運動家採用"納入"策略,把拉拉議題納入國家主流議題中,從而令關於性少數平權的敏感議題能在主流甚至官方的討論中得到呈現。其次,拉拉運動家運用了增加能見度的策略,這包括:靈活運用商業活動來進行大規模公眾宣導和通過策劃同性婚姻平權的各種行為藝術來吸引媒體報導。再次,她們使用了"吵架"這一策略。拉拉運動家在和男同性戀運動家和女權主義者的爭論中強化了拉拉運動的差異性和獨立性,從而生產出關於拉拉運動的本土論述。 ; 本文展示了拉拉運動家在威權統治下仍然能進行變革的難能可貴的能動性、創造力、韌性以及靈活應變的能力。與此同時,本文也為社會運動研究和同志研究帶來一些新的啟示,例如打開了關於權力、統治和反抗的新想像,並論證了開放式結盟對於在威權社會治下的同志運動以及其他草根運動的重要性。 ; A lala (lesbian) movement has survived and thrived in China in the past 2 decades. This dissertation explores how lala (lesbian) activists successfully constructed a movement from sparse lala activities only identifiable in Beijing in the 1990s to the flowering lala organizing all over China in the present. This study situates the lala movement within such Chinese contexts: the authoritarian conditions that civil-political rights and democratic processes are limited, the media's censorship towards homosexual issues, and a lack of localized knowledge on LGBT movement in China, and aims to investigate how lala activists interact with such contexts and work towards social changes. ; The concept of pragmatic resistance is the central theme for analyzing such a process and shows how lala activists have innovated strategy and tactics to achieve social changes under such contexts. Pragmatic resistance characterizes lala activists' philosophy and methodology for sustaining and advancing the movement in China. It shows how lala activists adopted pragmatism and nomadism to respond to the problems and changes for facilitating their movement. Lala activists respond to the specific conditions in which their movement emerges and develops, rather than to the demands of ideology, and they are ...

Chan, Siu-han. ; Thesis submitted in: July 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-193). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.i ; 論文摘要 --- p.ii ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.iii ; CONTENTS --- p.v ; INTRODUCTION ; Chapter 1.1 --- Empirical Puzzles and Theoretical Concern --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Cultural Scene in Hong Kong --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Defining the New Wave Cinema --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.4 --- The Objectives of the Thesis --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- In Quest of Theoretical Perspective and Analytical Framework ; Chapter 2.1 --- Existing Studies of the New Wave Cinema --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Study of Popular Culture in Hong Kong --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Culture Industry: The Approach of the Frankfurt School --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Elective Affinity of Culture Industry with Hong Kong Society --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Analytical Framework --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- The Anxiety of Political Subjectivity ; Chapter 3.1 --- Prelude --- p.45 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Perturbed Hong Kong People --- p.50 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Hong Kong Diaspora --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.4 --- The Negative Projection on the Colonizers --- p.60 ; Chapter 3.5 --- The Ambivalence Towards the Motherland´ؤChina --- p.66 ; Chapter 3.6 --- Discourse on Political Modernization: The Anxiety of Political Subjectivity --- p.86 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Contradiction of Societal Modernization ; Chapter 4.1 --- Prelude --- p.89 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Looking back at the Pre-modernized Social Order --- p.91 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Rethinking the Entanglement of the Old and the New --- p.102 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Representing the Modernized New Social Order --- p.110 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Discourse on Societal Modernization: The Contradiction of Societal Modernization --- p.123 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Fragility of Hong Kong Cultural Identity ; Chapter 5.1 --- Prelude --- p.126 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Historical Memories as Cultural Receptacles --- p.128 ...

Li, Hang. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 267-282). ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstracts also in Chinese.

香港基進政治組織人民力量放棄以激進方式表達訴求,改以「快樂抗爭」作為政治策略以吸引大量群眾參與,並形成可觀的政治力量施予政府政治壓力。人民力量雖然以基進組織自居,何以取「快樂抗爭」作為它的政治策略呢?在此論文會仔細討論「快樂抗爭」如何以喜慶節日之感,讓與者用以直接抗爭為手法,承擔昂貴的政治成本來表達訴求,代之以輕鬆快之手段鼓動更多公眾參與。同一時間,縱使情緒搧動可以直接鼓動民眾與政治運動,然而情緒也有不智的一面。為了讓參與者宣洩他們的不滿,減低運動失控的情況,人民力量採納具有浄化作用的「快樂抗爭」作為它的抗爭手段。以下文章同時採用質性及質量硏究,以明情緒在社會運動中扮演的角色。 ; People Power, a radical group in Hong Kong, abandoned their disruptive approach, and adopted a new tactic of social movementjoyous resistancewhich attracted large numbers of participants. In this way, People Power became an influential political lever, exerting great pressure on the government. Why did this radical political party, People Power, abandon its stance of resistance through physical confrontation, and opt for a moderate approach, joyous resistance, to express their anger and voice their grievances at the government and at the group's antagonists? The shift in tactics has certainly been a successful one, attracting the attention of the public and helped a marginalized radical political party, People Power, to win three seats in 2012 Legislative Council Election. Although traditional theories of social movements have largely neglected the importance of emotion, the case of People Power shows that festive emotion can be an intangible resource to reduce the cost of participation when compared with confrontational tactics. The cathartic function of joyous resistance also reduces the potential for violence when People Power uses emotional appeals to mobilize the masses. In this thesis the concept of joyous resistance is introduced and the salient role of emotion in social movements is discussed, using case studies on People Power, the League of Social Democrats, the Democratic Party and the Civic Human Rights Front. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis will be conducted for the following thesis. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Ng, Vitrierat. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-215). ; Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes ...

動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段?本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素:交換、強制、動員,重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念,進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下,三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型,它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 ; 運用這一理論分析框架,作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性,這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化,決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後,仍舊是行之有效的治理手段,並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是,隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長,以及黨組織自身的日益科層化,在改革開放時期,動員逐漸被有意識的弱化,由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 ; Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term 'mobilization' in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior's motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. ; Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party's political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ...

資本全球擴展至今已經令我們的時代傷痕累累,各種各樣的社會運動應運而生,試圖突破現局。香港近年幾起以空間為本位的社會運動都甚為引人注目,其中利東街社區運動可謂開風氣之先,草擬了香港首份民間規劃方案──啞鈴方案,此後受拆遷影響的社區除了選擇賠償和安置以外,還可以選擇集體抗爭爭取民間規劃。提出了香港首份民間規劃劃方案固然意義重大,不過利東街社區運動留給我們遠不止於此。本論文從頭梳理一遍利東街社區運動的經驗,由一九九八年土地發展公司正式宣佈重建利東街,至市區重建局接手後利東街街坊成立H15重建關注組、提出爭取賠償安置以外的訴求、及後草擬啞鈴方案爭取落實以人為本的規劃。雖然啞鈴方案最後不獲局方接受,無法落實,卻為社區所可以有的政治意義帶來豐富的內容。本論文透過整理利東街社區運動的經驗,歸納並提出社區在資本主義全球化下所能夠展現出來的政治意義。 ; The global expansion of capital has brought to our contemporaries wounds and scars, leading thereby to social movements of all types. In the recent years in Honk Kong, we have witnessed many social movements concerned with spatial issues, among them some are more eye-catching while some of them not. Lee Tung Street community movement, among all the spatially minded social movements, is one with exceptional importance. It has marked a new beginning for other community movements by proposing the first ever community-based redevelopment plan ──Dumbbell Proposal. Although the Dumbbell was rejected in the end despite untiring efforts from the Lee Tung Street community and supports from various public ranks, Lee Tung Street community movement has left us with an enriched concept of "community", which is filled with political meanings, and potentials to fight the hegemonic capitalist globality. This thesis will consolidate experiences in different stages of Lee Tung Street community movement, from the time when Land Development Company first announced the redevelopment project, to the period when the community organized themselves into a group called H15 concern group which launched the famous Dumbbell Proposal. From these events, I will extract and explain the political meanings of "community", which paves a way for alternatives in our globalized society. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 陳倩玉. ; Parallel title from English abstract. ; Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-113). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chen Qianyu.

Ma Lai Yee. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-109). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Abstract (English version) --- p.ii ; Abstract (Chinese version) --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Political use of the Internet: Utopian or distopian? --- p.1 ; Virtual communities and social movements --- p.4 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Political and Technological Landscape in Hong Kong ; Chapter I) --- Political Background ; The Handover of Hong Kong to China in1997 --- p.7 ; The Tradition of Pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong --- p.8 ; The 1 July Rally in2003 --- p.9 ; Chapter II) --- Technological Background ; Internet Penetration in Hong Kong --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Review of Literature ; Chapter I) --- "Internet, Uses and Gratifications and political effects" ; The Uses and Gratifications Approach: Theoretical assumptions --- p.14 ; Uses and Gratifications and the Internet --- p.15 ; Gratifications and Political media use --- p.17 ; "Internet usage, Gratifications and Political effects" --- p.19 ; Chapter II) --- "Social movement, collective identity and the Internet" ; Social Movements in contemporary social context --- p.23 ; Collective Identity in Social Movements --- p.26 ; Identity Formation in Computer-mediated Communication --- p.28 ; The Internet as a Social Movement Medium --- p.30 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Cyberactivism in Hong Kong ; 1 July Protest and Cyber Activism in Hong Kong --- p.36 ; The Case: Yumkung.com --- p.38 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Methodology ; Research Design and Sampling --- p.44 ; Survey Sample Profile --- p.45 ; Content Analysis --- p.46 ; Textual Analysis --- p.47 ; Measurements of variables --- p.48 ; Analytical Procedures --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Results and Interpretations ; Gratifications of Yumkung.com from Survey --- p.52 ; Gratifications of Yumkung. com from Content Analysis --- p.54 ; Collective Identity from textual Analysis --- p.60 ; Correlational ...

自2003年始,反坝运动席卷中国,被誉为"第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落,却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无(正式)组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动,并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性,无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析,而得到解释。 ; 在中国特殊政治环境下,尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会,农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能?带着这一问题,本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架,以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论,对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 ; 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑,并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析,探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 ; 本论文发现:在全国反坝热潮背后,金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用:一是本土性社会文化因素;二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量;三是国家力量(包括"抽象国家"与"具体国家")的影响及其与本土的互动。 ; 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时,也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干,推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的"公民性"参与,孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间,由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力,有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分,为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 ; Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. ; However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. ; How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. ; This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It ...

近年来,针对就业和就学中遭遇歧视的困境,中国乙肝携带者发起一场要求消除歧视、维护合法权益的抗争运动。为什么乙肝携带者就业歧视问题在中国如此显著?面对国家和市场这两大最具权势的系统,公民社会将何以对抗?本文旨在从社会学的视角对这场"将'乙肝'去除"的运动进行解读。 ; 本文采用个案研究方法,以北京益仁平中心为主要研究对象,围绕 "乙肝"在中国的建构和重构过程,将研究聚焦于三个方面:第一,乙肝污名化过程以及国家、市场中的话语权;第二,反乙肝歧视维权运动的条件和动员机制;第三,"将'乙肝'去除"中的政治和权力话语三角。 ; 本文从社会运动理论中的资源动员、政治机会结构和框架理论出发解读中国乙肝携带者的维权运动;将运动中的微观景象与宏观社会结构结合起来,考察影响乙肝携带者维权运动的主要因素以及运动的动员机制。研究伊始分别从国家和市场两个领域审视乙肝歧视问题在中国的建构过程,阐明乙肝污名化是政府权威以及市场中医药商和医学权威共谋下的合力作用,从而为乙肝携带者反歧视抗争运动的后续研究选择一个合适的立足点。笔者在案例中发现,组织在维权运动中将乙肝携带者群体动员起来,采取有效的策略,充分利用其在资源获得方面的优势、建立乙肝维权组织网络、善于把握时机营造政治机会空间、并能够吸纳律师和媒体的专业力量是维权行动能取得成功的重要因素。 ; 组织在维权行动中的话语框架对运动的发展至关重要。乙肝携带者群体对组织运动框架的认同是动员成功的基础;掌握定义"乙肝"的主动权、运动领袖的可信性、框架话语表达的日常化、与媒体的良好关系等策略有助于框架在动员中与参与者、旁观者产生共鸣;抗争精英通过话语框架为抗争活动提供合法性。 ; 反乙肝歧视维权运动可以看作是一个"将'乙肝'去除"的"去污名化"运动。一方面,中央政府与地方政府有着各自自主性利益;另一方面,乙肝携带者群体内部就抗争形式也难以统一,这两种分裂情况交叉形成了一个围绕"将'乙肝'去除"的,以规则、效益和权利为话语的权力三角,支撑反歧视行动的抗争空间。权力三角的多变性决定去除"乙肝"的行动是有策略的、冒险的,但却相对稳定。 ; Hepatitis B Virus carriers (HBVers) have launched series social movements targeting at eliminating discriminations against HBVers in job market and promoting fair employment in recent decade of years. Why does nowhere match the HBV discrimination in such country like China? How is contentious politics possible when the powerless engage in struggles with power holders, like state and market in China? The thesis attempts to learn the intricacies of body politics with sociological approaches. ; Yirenping, a NGO located in Beijing, is selected as research object in this case study. Concentrating on the political nature of the HBV confrontations, this thesis is comprised of three parts: first, the stigmatization of HBV in China; second, tactics and strategies that employed against the system of discrimination; third, the politics of "Removing HBV" and the power triangle among state, market and civil society. ; The analysis of the HBV movement is informed by three sociological theories of social movements: resource mobilization, political opportunity structure and framing, meanwhile macro structure and micro interaction are combined. It is ...

Lee, Chui Mei. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-185). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract ; 提要 --- p.vi ; Acknowledgement --- p.vii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Urban Renewal and Heritage Conservation in Hong Kong --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Blue House Complex Revitalization Project --- p.9 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Fieldsite Specification: Why the Blue House Complex in Hong Kong? --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Introduction of the Blue House Complex Community-led Conservation Movement --- p.16 ; Chapter Chpater 2 --- Literature Review --- p.18 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Construction of Heritage --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Uses of Heritage --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Community in Heritage Conservation --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Politics in Heritage Conservation --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Heritage Conservation in Hong Kong Urban Renewal --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Objectives and Methodology --- p.39 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Objectives --- p.39 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Methodology --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Ethical Concerns --- p.48 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Blue House Complex --- p.50 ; Chapter 4.1 --- History of Wan Chai --- p.51 ; Chapter 4.2 --- History of Stone Nullah Lane and the Blue House Complex --- p.53 ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- Stone Nullah Lane --- p.53 ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- History of the Blue House Complex --- p.56 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Architectural Features and Specific Lifestyles in the Blue House Complex --- p.59 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Lifestyle of Current Residents in the Blue House Complex --- p.60 ; Chapter 4.5 --- The Demographics of the Blue House Complex --- p.63 ; Chapter 4.6 --- Economic Structure of the Blue House Complex --- p.66 ; Chapter 4.7 --- Social Structure of the Blue House Complex --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.8 --- Cultural Significance of the Blue House Complex --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.9 --- Various Interpretations of the Blue House Complex --- p.78 ; Chapter 4.9.1 --- Interpretation of the Antiquities Advisory ...