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There are various assessments, occasion-related & partial analyses, & even empirical evaluations of the recent collective protest of Croatian students, but there is hardly any attempt of a theoretical clarification & comprehension thereof. Having in mind the largely disparate definitions of social movement, the author is of the opinion that, from the standpoint of theory, the demands of rebelled students, the blockade of the faculty, the plenum decision-making & other forms of collective student activity can best be perceived as a form of student movement. For this reason, he first presents various theories of social movements: the classic American theory of collective behavior (ie., its two versions -- the breakdown theory & the theory of relative deprivation), the theory of resource mobilization, the theory of new social movements (especially Touraine's model of understanding new social movements), the theory of networks, the theory of solidarity, & the political-process analysis. Second, the author attempts to apply each of the enumerated conceptual perspectives to the Croatian student movement for charge-free education. Although the presented theories of social movements are critical of one another, this article points out their complementarity. It goes on to show that not all of them are equally adequate for clarification & comprehension of the central issue. In the author's judgment, one of the key reasons why a multi-perspective approach is necessary is the exceptional, hybrid character of the Croatian student movement, as a mixture of old & new social movements. Adapted from the source document.

The geopolitical evolution represents a permanent process. It is mostly influenced by the geopolitical condition, in which the geopolitical relations and processes are evolving. The understanding of geopolitical evolution is impossible without the critical review and even rejection of the dominant geopolitical visions. There are various theoretical perspectives that reject the dominant geopolitical visions and discourses as well as geopolitical practices of the political elites. Those theoretical perspectives are known as: critical geopolitics, anti-geopolitics, subaltern geopolitics, feminist geopolitics, radical geopolitics. There are also various comprehensions of relationship between these theoretical perspectives, although it is clear that each of them is overlapped with others, and all of them are overlapped with critical geopolitics, differing in the focus of study and the identification of new moments, and at the same time being similar by their deflection from the dominant geopolitical vision and practices, to which they react in different ways: by criticizing, by putting resistance or offering alternatives. In this paper, the research focus is mostly on anti-geopolitics, a radical geopolitical vision that puts into question the relations of exploitation and dominance. Anti-geopolitics also represents a theoretical perspective that poses the most serious challenge to the dominant ways of representing the World. The proponents of anti-geopolitics focus their research on the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles, as well as on the social movements and networks that offer a resistance to globalization and geo-economic logic that are advocated and practiced by the political-economic elites of states and multinational corporations and intergovernmental institutions, especially the financial ones. The paper also brings a brief review of the key aspects of other theoretical perspectives that represent a more or less radical deflection from the dominant geopolitical visions. Adapted from the source document.

Jugoslavenske novine izvještavaju svoje čitatelje o američkom građanskom pokretu. Novine govore o pokretu u njegovom političkom, ekonomskom, društvenom, kulturnom i sportskom kontekstu. U političkom kontekstu novine pišu o Kingu i njegovim umjerenim metodama borbe za građanska prava, ali i o metodama radikalnijih Afroamerikanaca. te kako raste politička moć afroameričkog društva. Iznosi se djelovanje američke visoke politike, koja u različitim prilikama zauzima ili proafroameričke stavove, ili antiafroameričke stavove. Ekonomski položaj afroameričkog društva se prikazuje kroz društvene probleme. Novine iz različitih vremenskih perioda iznose članke koji se bave rasnim nemirima koji su bili aktualni prikazujući ih kao reakcijom društva koje je diskriminirano i stavljeno u inferioran položaj od strane vlasti, institucija, policije i generalno bjelačke populacije. Čitateljima jugoslavenskih novina poznata je uloga sportaša, književnika i pjevača koji su predstavljali simbol afroameričkog jedinstva i moći, otpora represiji i diskriminaciji za generalnu afroameričku javnost. O relevantnosti afroameričkog problema u daljnjim godinama govore novine člancima kojima obilježavaju važne obljetnice pokreta i ocjenjuju (ne)napredak koji je afroameričko društvo postiglo u borbi za jednakopravnost. ; Yugoslavian newspapers do report to their readers about civil rights movement. Newspapers talk about movement in political, economical, social, cultural and sports context. In political context newspapers represent King and his moderate methods of fighting for civil rights, but also more radical methods by other African Americans. They also write about the growth of political power of African Americans. There is talks about the influence of american high politics and how it takes pro-black or anti-black stances. The economical power of African Americans is shown through social issues. Newspapers from different periods of time talk about racial riots which illustrate to readers the discrimination and repression of the African ...

Cilj je rada proučiti na koji je način pristupanje Hrvatske Europskoj uniji utjecalo na LGBT pokret. Budući da zemlje Srednje i Istočne Europe, nakon raspada komunizma i tijekom procesa europeizacije, dijele slične karakteristike po pitanju razvoja LGBT pokreta, ovaj rad analizira dvije hipoteze oblikovane kroz studiju slučaja Poljske: (1) proces europskih integracija zemalja u postsocijalističkoj Europi unaprjeđuje formalni zakonski status LGBT osoba i podiže vidljivost LGBT aktivističkih mreža i (2) nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji jačaju dotad potisnuti konzervativni pokreti protiv LGBT zajednice. Rad prati razvoj LGBT pokreta kroz tri vremenske faze. Prva faza obuhvaća period od osamostaljenja Hrvatske, pa sve do 2000. godine kad u Hrvatskoj počinje proces europeizacije. Druga faza obuhvaća period od početka procesa europeizacije do pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, a treća se faza odnosi na period nakon ulaska zemlje u EU. Unutar svake faze proučavaju se sastavnice modela političkog procesa, struktura političkih prilika, aktivističke mreže i diskurzivno uokviravanje tema važnih za LGBT pokret. Analizom je utvrđeno da je tijekom procesa pristupanja Europskoj uniji u Hrvatskoj unaprijeđen pravni položaj homoseksualnih osoba te je pojačana njihova vidljivost u društvu. To se očituje u osnivanju civilnih udruga, organiziranju povorki ponosa, donošenju Zakona o istospolnim zajednicama i uvođenju antidiskriminacijskih normi u zakonodavstvo. Diskurzivnom analizom 328 članaka došlo se do rezultata da je u devedesetima na snazi razdoblje šutnje o homoseksualnosti. U periodu europeizacije i onom nakon pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, diskurzivne se ideje kreću unutar triju okvira: društvene prihvaćenosti, europeizacije i pitanja drugog reda. Iako je period nakon ulaska Hrvatske u EU nedovoljno dug da bi se sa sigurnošću potvrdila druga hipoteza, referendum o ustavnoj definiciji braka i lobiranje protiv izglasavanja Zakona o životnom partnerstvu osoba istog spola dobri su pokazatelji da se konzervativni pokret protiv LGBT zajednice u Hrvatskoj konsolidirao. ; This paper examines how Croatia's path towards joining the European Union affected the LGBT movement. Due to Central and Eastern European countries sharing similar characteristics regarding the development of the LGBT movement after the abandonment of communism and during the Europeanization process, this paper follows two hypotheses formed through a case study of Poland: (1) the process of European integration in post-socialist Europe promotes the formal legal status of LGBT people and improves the visibility of the LGBT activist network (2) since the country's accession to the EU the formerly repressed conservative movements against the LGBT community have become stronger. The paper examines the development of the LGBT movement over three time periods. The first period covers the time between Croatia gaining independence and starting its Europeanization process in 2000; the second period lies between the start of the Europeanization process and Croatia's accession to the EU; the third phase covers the time after the accession. For every phase the following parts of the political process model are examined: the political opportunity structure, the activist network and the discursive framing of topics important for the LGBT movement. Analysis confirms that the implementation of the requirements for becoming a member country improved the legal status of LGBT people and increased their visibility during that time. This manifested primarily as the founding of various associations, organizing pride parades, passing the Same-Sex Union Act and introducing sexual orientation anti-discrimination norms. A discourse analysis of 328 articles unveiled the 90's silence on homosexuality and revealed that in the next two phases discursive ideas have been present in three key areas: social acceptance, Europeanization and the "less important question". Even though the period after Croatia's accession is not long enough to definitively confirm the second hypothesis, the referendum on the constitutional definition of marriage and the lobbying for rejecting the Same-Sex Life Partnership Act are good indicators that the conservative movement against the LGBT community in Croatia consolidated its position.

Članci 34. i 35. Ugovora o funkcioniranju Europske unije zabranjuju količinska ograničenja i mjere s istovrsnim učinkom na uvoz i izvoz između država članica. Države članice nisu u mogućnosti favorizirati ili na bilo koji drugi način staviti u prednost domaće proizvode u odnosu na proizvode drugih država članica. Ipak, ako postoji prijetnja javnom interesu, država članica može opravdano ograničiti slobodno kretanje robe. Svaka takva nacionalna mjera mora biti istovremeno nužna i proporcionalna cilju koji se želi postići. U radu se daje poseban naglasak na predmet Keck koji je podijelio sve propise na dvije skupine: na uvjete prodaje i na propise koji se odnose isključivo na proizvode. Europski sud je smatrao kako nediskriminatorni uvjeti prodaje nemaju razloga potpasti pod opseg članka 34. UFEU-a. Uvjeti prodaje su, kako je u sudskoj praksi nakon Kecka utvrđeno, propisi koji uređuju kada roba može biti prodavana, na kojem mjestu i tko tu robu može prodavati, propisi koji se tiču reklamiranja te kontrole cijena. Ova presuda bila je predmetom mnogih kritika. Sudska praksa koja je uslijedila donekle je iskristalizirala i riješila nejasnoće. Unatoč tome, nisu sva pitanja u potpunosti razjašnjena iako su vidljivi mali koraci k realističnijem pristupu mjerama s istovrsnim učinkom kao količinsko ograničenje. ; Articles 34 and 35 of the TFEU prohibit import and export restrictions between all Member States. Member States are not allowed to favour or in any other way put its domestic products at an advantage against imported products. However, if there is a threat to publich interest, such as (for example) public health or the environment, Member States may restrict the free movement of goods. Any national measure imposed must be shown to be both necessary and proportional. The article gives special emphasis to the Keck case which divided regulations into two parts: selling arrangements and product-bound measures. ECJ held that non-discriminatory national measures restricting or prohibiting selling arrangements were ...

The author looks into the origin & the evolution of the notion of civil society & outlines the contemporary debates on its meaning & democratic potential, as well as its democratic deficits. The concept of civil society (originally devised by Aristotle & used for centuries in political philosophy), was revived in the 1980s, first in the East-European movements against the Stalinist state socialism, & later in the new social movements in the West & in social sciences in general. Today's understanding of this term is the result of the branching out of the classical term: while originally it denoted an association of citizens as a political community, Montesquieu & Hegel came up with the difference between the civil society & the state as a political community. Later, a series of modern authors, in line with Gramsci, additionally differentiated between the civil & the market societies. The case in point is Jurgen Habermas who defines civil society as a system of spontaneously generated non-state & nonprofit associations connected via the venues of public communication & whose goal is not to win the firsthand political power. Another understanding of civil society has resulted from a long cooperation of the UN & its specialized institutions with the nongovernmental organizations that came to the fore at the major thematic UN-sponsored conferences in the l990s. The author criticizes the idealized picture of civil society as a form of the organization & the democracy-promoting communication of citizens. A developed civil society is undoubtedly important for democracy, but this also requires the appropriate checking mechanisms. The potential deficits of the civil society are reform blockade, the risk of the loss of civilness in populist movements & the social asymmetry of civil activism. Finally, the author looks into a variety of proposals that see in the European civil society the means of the democratization of the European Union. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

Manjak povjerenja u demokratske procese, frustriranost vladajućom elitom i opadanje interesa za politiku trendovi su vidljivi diljem svijeta. Takav politički okoliš pogoduje javljanju populističkih stranaka, točnije onih koje uviđaju da elite više ne zagovaraju želje svojih sugrađana i koje vjeruju da je jedino rješenje problema vraćanje moći u ruke naroda. Danas gotovo svaka država ima svoju populističku opciju, a čini se da i Hrvatska ne odstupa od pravila. Na parlamentarnim izborima 2020. godine javile su se dvije nove stranke koje su uspjele prodrmati Sabor i osvojiti 7 mjesta za stranku Možemo! te 16 mjesta za Domovinski pokret. Mediji su obje stranke brzo okarakterizirali populističkim. Budući da se toliki dio života odvija u virtualnoj sferi, cilj ovog rada je istražiti koriste li političke stranke Možemo! i Domovinski pokret populizam u svojim Facebook objavama. Facebook je najraširenija društvena platforma u Hrvatskoj koja se iznova pokazuje pogodnom za političku komunikaciju. Metodom analize sadržaja analizirano je ukupno 60 Facebook objava, 30 od svake stranke, kroz dva razdoblja – prije i poslije izbora. Objava se smatrala populističkom ako je sadržavala dva konstitutivna elementa: pozitivno spominjanje naroda i negativno spominjanje elita. Rezultati ukazuju kako obje stranke slabo koriste populizam u svojoj političkoj komunikaciji, a glavni razlog tomu je što rijetko spominju narod, a ako ga spominju, spominju ga u neutralnom kontekstu. Jedno moguće objašnjenje ovakvih rezultata je način korištenja Facebooka kojeg stranke ne koriste kao sredstvo za učvršćivanje komunikacije sa svojim biračima, nego kao kolekciju svojih nastupa u medijima ili govora iz Sabora. Još jedno moguće objašnjenje je da stranke koriste populistički stil u određenim trenucima kako bi pridobile simpatije šireg segmenta naroda, a da su ih mediji okarakterizirali populističkim bez stvarnog uporišta. ; A lack of trust in democratic processes, growing frustration with the ruling elite and a declining interest in politics are trends visible around the world. Such a political environment favors the emergence of populist parties -those who see that elites no longer advocate the wishes of their fellow citizens and who believe that the only solution to the problem is to return power to the people. Today, almost every country has its own populist option, and it seems that Croatia does not deviate from the rules. In the parliamentary elections in 2020, two new parties appeared that managed to shake up the Parliament and win 7 seats for the We Can Party! (Možemo!) and 16 seats for the Homeland Movement (Domovinski pokret). The media quickly characterized both parties as populist. Since such a big part of life takes place in the virtual sphere, the aim of this paper is to investigate whether political parties We can! and the Homeland Movement use populism in their Facebook posts. Facebook is the most widespread social platform in Croatia, which is continuously proving to be suitable for political communication. Using content analysis, a total of 60 Facebook posts were analyzed, 30 from each party, over two periods - before and after the election. The post was considered populist if it contained two constitutive elements - a positive mention of the people and a negative mention of the elites. The results indicate that both parties make little use of populism in their political communication and the main reason for this is that they rarely mention the people, and if they do, they mention them in a neutral context. One possible explanation for these results is the way Facebook is used, as parties do not use it as a means of strengthening communication with their constituents, but as a collection of their media appearances or speeches from Parliament. Another possible explanation is that the parties use a populist style at certain times in order to gain the sympathy of a wider segment of the people, and that the media characterized them as populist without a real foothold.

In this article, the author shows why the student movement for free education ("the blockade") is wrong in asserting that the cause of injustice in higher education is the implementation of an allegedly neo-liberal project -- the Bologna Process. Furthermore, he claims that, in a serious discussion which would include all interested parties, the students' demand of "everything free on all levels in the highest possible numbers" could not be defended as a just demand. A socially just higher education would not be one which would be available free of charge to all interested parties, but one which would ensure access to higher education to the poor. The expose of the article is divided into three sections. First, Kurelic presents some ideological-theoretical formulations used in advocating free education. Then he attempts to show the short-sightedness of such formulations by referring to the example of criticism aimed at the higher education reform in Croatia, the so-called Bologna. In the third and final section, he explains why he is of the opinion that egalitarian liberals such as Scanlon and Barry, developing their line of argument from the position of social justice, would ask for much more than cancellation of school fees on all levels, and why the demand formulated according to Barry's categories is more solid. Adapted from the source document.

The author starts the article with a discussion of the ideas of deliberation & deliberative democracy in general & then presents some impressions & findings of the ongoing comparative research project on global justice movements. The research tries to answer two main questions: "How do (attempts to) deliberation, participation & decision-making look like in different kinds of groups, different countries (and probably at different levels -- from the local to the international)?" & "What factors influence & restrict deliberate/participatory practices?". The presented empirical investigation is mainly based on a semi-structured & full-structured participant observation, complemented by informal interviews in the local & regional groups in six countries & a number of transnational meetings of networks & political campaigns for global justice. The author concludes that global justice groups, though generally putting much emphasis reducing what they perceive as illegitimate forms of power within their own ranks & to deliberate as much as possible, do exhibit quite a number of aberrations from this ideal. Still, the author points out that deliberation, at least at the level of small-scale groups, is not just a dream but actually occurs, & that the majority of these groups are more successful in reducing in their internal communication "hard" power & enabling deliberation than most trade unions, political parties, & big NGOs. Adapted from the source document.

Analyzes the importance of charismatic authority in traditional societies, especially during the so-called watershed times. Max Weber was the first sociologist to explore the concept of charisma & charismatic authority within the context of legitimate political authority. Charisma is a quality of a person because of which they are deemed exceptional & due to which their followers consider them possessed of some rare supernatural & superhuman powers or traits. Such a person is thought of as God-given or laudable & is consequently looked up to as a leader. The author points to the link between stigma & charisma in the study by the German sociologist Wolfgang Lipp. Using his insights as the starting point, the author tries to illustrate his thesis by means of Tudman's case. How do stigma & charisma under certain historical circumstances merge in one person, enhancing the final impact on certain historical movements? In every society in watershed periods, when one political paradigm replaces another, when people get confused, stigma & charisma may be the focal points of a new fulcrum, a new identity. Under such circumstances, one must delineate both the outer & the inner boundaries between "these" & "those," "us" & "them." These boundaries (ethnic, confessional, & national) are time & again confirmed through glorifying the leader & ostracizing "the undesirables." In wartime, the emotional component is particularly pronounced. The bulk of the population identifies with the charismatic paragon. In such a context, it is a point of pride to be, for example, a Croat. However, this is only perfunctory, a mere ideology for the ignorant & manipulated populace. Under the surface, however, economic/political battles are raging, struggle for the redistribution of power by means of, among other things, getting rid of the competition by ethnic labeling. When stigma becomes a "lethal weapon" of a political movement, the consequences are unpredictable. Both stigma & charisma not infrequently end up in monstrosities. The events on the territory of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s are an obvious example. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.