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In the period when 'our natural political environment' was provided by controlled 'socialist democracy' we tended to look to Europe for a model of democratic perfection. As the doctrine of human rights and the institutions guarding it became increasingly common, this conviction was yet augmented. Such a high opinion of European political practice was undoubtedly affected by the defeat of Nazism, which was commonly interpreted as a victory for democracy. The feeling of European democratic identity was further confirmed several decades later, when Communism collapsed. Thus the process of progressive European integration, which commenced soon after the end ofWorldWar II, and intensified after 1989, seemed to testify to Europe's unanimously democratic nature. Yet a more considerate insight into the unification processes raises numerous doubts as to whether we are really facing the construction of European structures following the principles of liberal democracy. ; In the period when 'our natural political environment' was provided by controlled 'socialist democracy' we tended to look to Europe for a model of democratic perfection. As the doctrine of human rights and the institutions guarding it became increasingly common, this conviction was yet augmented. Such a high opinion of European political practice was undoubtedly affected by the defeat of Nazism, which was commonly interpreted as a victory for democracy. The feeling of European democratic identity was further confirmed several decades later, when Communism collapsed. Thus the process of progressive European integration, which commenced soon after the end ofWorldWar II, and intensified after 1989, seemed to testify to Europe's unanimously democratic nature. Yet a more considerate insight into the unification processes raises numerous doubts as to whether we are really facing the construction of European structures following the principles of liberal democracy.

In this article I make a critical analysis of educational policy in Poland during the 25 years of the political transformation. I try to refer to the Polish thoughts and practices of teaching experience in the period of 1918--1948. What is more, I present experiences of anti-socialist opposition during the socialist period. They influenced on impression in the works and commitments of many scientists and a new generation of academics. Furthermore, I indicate how my generation after 1989 went into the road of scientific autonomy and/or independence in the field of government and private education. Benchmark for these analyzes build up the hopes which we tied up with the Polish revolution of non- violence. Moreover, there was a strong disappointment, which revealed over the years due to the departure of distinctive political formation of the Third Republic of the ideals and the phenomenon of Polish "Solidarity" movement, and civil society, which included the move away from the base of participatory democracy. Finally, I look at how education as a science and practice of education fit into democratization of the Polish state and society. The key meaning for me has the perception of education as a common good, as environments and entities, institutions or management practices which participate in the democratic society. To sum up, this society is constantly in the period of recovery from years of experience not only fascist, but Bolshevik totalitarianism, too.

In december 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed. This fact can be considered to be the most significant geopolitical event of the second half of the 20th century. As a result of the collapse of the USSR, fifteen union republics – the main units of the administrative-political and national division of the Soviet federation – gained state sovereignty and independence. One of the most important results of this process was the creation of Russia (Russian Federation), which declared itself and was recognized as the main successor of the Soviet empire. The young state faced many difficulties, which – at the level of internal policy – include carrying out socio-political-economic transformation, overcoming the deep structural crisis inherited from the late USSR, or building modern durable democratic institutions and democratic political culture. This meant that the new Russian elites needed to make a radical system change and to develop new political mechanisms in the management of this enormous country. The article will present the main problems faced by Russia and its establishment in the 1990s, with many turning points and breakthrough moments, specific to countries undergoing intensive and multifaceted post-communist transformation. Due to the importance and the role of Russia in the international system, the directions and tendencies of changes taking place in this country are particularly important, especially from the perspective of post-Soviet states and the countries of the former socialist block.

Reflections on evolving shape of legal regulations concerning local administration in the forty years of People's Poland are subject of the present study. The author examines basic stages in transformations of regulations of people's councils which are the foundation of local administration. Provisions of the temporary statute of people's councils, passed by the National People's Council on January 1, 1944 are the starting point. The next stage is opened by the provisions of 1944-1945 which introduced a dualistic model of local administration based on the patterns of the interwar period (organs of government administration and local self-government) supplemented by the system of peoples councils. The year 1950 brings about an introduction of the Soviet patterns to the system of local administration. On the grounds of those patterns the system has functioned until 1972-1975, although it underwent substantial modifications. Passing the 1958 Act of People's Councils ought to be noted here. Several provisions are introduced in the act in order to preclude centralistic deviations which were observed under the 1950 Act. The transformations of 1972- -1975 can be summarized as combining the Soviet pattern with institutions of government administration of the interwar period (a monocratic organ of local administration with its submitted office, "transplanted" to the system of people's councils. The period succeeding he 1972 - 1975 reforms is the one of recurrent centralizing of administration. Therefore, the Act of July 20, 1983 on the system of people's councils and local self-government has to be interpreted as the reaction on centralistic distortions of the former period. It became a sign of compromise in an animated discussion on the concept of local administration which was under way in the years 1930-1982. The Act is based on the idea of people's democracy, characteristic for a socialist state, with institutional elements of selfgovernment organization. As far as professional organs of administration in the system are concerned, the legislator referred to the solutions of 1972 -1975, but the higher influence in their creation was secured for organs representing citizens. Various conclusions can be drawn from a study of evolving legislation in the People's Poland. It should be noted though that two tendencies came to importance in different periods of time — the one of centralization and the one of decentralization. It was also the case of sear-ching a proper model of local administration for a socialist (State, and — to a lesser extent — traditional Polish solutions were evoked. It also seems that basic changes in the sphere of local administration were carried out too often without proper preparations for the reforms. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The author suggests that the research for new methods in the political science in the USA, Which broadly use the concept of systems analysis, realy came into prominence after the Second World War. The impetus for it involved both theoretical and practical considerations. Three of these seem to be of particular importance. First, it became necessary to attempt to explain in some objective manner the failure of "democracy", and the rise of authoritarian political institutions in Germany during the inter-war period. Second, the rise of socialist countries in Europe. Third, the creation of new states in Asia and Africa, as a result of failure of the colonial empires. The first important presentation of systems approach in political science in the USA was made by David Easton. He was primarily concerned with portraying the relationships between a system and the environment in which it was located. He directed attention to the boundary between politics and other aspects of social life, and, postulated the existence of close relationship between the system and environment. Applying systems analysis to (political science, some researchers have developed lists of political functional requisites. One such list war developed by Gabriel Almond, who divides it into four input, and three output functions. The Gabriel Almond's attitudes to the systems analysis is strongly functional oriented. Heapplied the basic Talcott Parsons thesis to the political science considerations. Other scholar, K. W. Deutsch, presents systems analysis in a cybernetic framework. Political systems, from his point of view, are the self-controling, and self-organyzing communication net. Deutsch, however, does not limit his concern to the communication of information; in addition he wants to apply communication theory to the political decision making process, to the role and relative weight of mass media, compared with past memories, stereotypes and other media, and to areas of attetjon, perception and orientation, values and evaluation, goal-seeking, and decision making. The author stresses the fact that, as a scientific method, systems analysis concept, is nolt well developed yet. However, it presents a good background for interdisciplinary research of political institution in action. On the other hand, it cannot be tracted as a universal tool for analyzing all political phenomena. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

In the study major attention is given to the intellectual nature of the Fabian Society and its connections with the Labour Party. The Fabian Society was founded in 1884 by a group of middle-class intellectuals. The character of the Society was established under the leadership of such men as Sidney Webb, George Bernard Shaw, and Edward Pease. The initial Marxist influence on the Fabian Society is a reason why the Fabians took up a definitely Socialist standpoint, why they did not content them-selves with a left-wing Radical position. The Fabians desired to educate all classes toward socialism through publications and lectures. The Fabian Society has directed its main efforts to economic, social and political reform. Change was to come about by the "permeation" of existing institutions. The process of permeation meant promoting Fabian ideals through personal influence among members of Parliament and government officials, as well as getting more sympathetic men elected to local government and Parliament. In the early twentieth century, after considerable debate, the Society decided to join the newly formed Labour Party ; Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza ideologii Towarzystwa Fabianów i jej wpływu na formowanie się Labour Party. Towarzystwo zostało utworzone w 1884 roku przez intelektualistów z klasy średniej. Program był formułowany przede wszystkim przez Sidneya Webba, George'a Bernarda Shawa i E dwarda Pease`a. Analizując liczne źródła ideowe, podkreślić należy znaczenie doktryny marksizmu, ponieważ to on miał decydujące znaczenie dla tożsamości Towarzystwa, które określało się jako socjalistyczne. Działalność fabianów opierała się przede wszystkim na pisaniu pamfletów, esejów i przekonywaniu osób decydujących o polityce o słuszności ich socjalistycznych postulatów, dotyczących sfery politycznej, socjalnej i ekonomicznej. W ten sposób chcieli oni przenikać do rządzących elit politycznych – właśnie przenikanie było ich metodą działania. Na początku XX wieku zdecydowali się na podjęcie próby utworzenia partii politycznej i w 1903 roku przystąpili do formującej się Labour Party, "wyposażając" ją w ideologię.

Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza ideologii Towarzystwa Fabianów i jej wpływu na formowanie się Labour Party. Towarzystwo zostało utworzone w 1884 roku przez intelektualistów z klasy średniej. Program był formułowany przede wszystkim przez Sidneya Webba, George'a Bernarda Shawa i E dwarda Pease`a. Analizując liczne źródła ideowe, podkreślić należy znaczenie doktryny marksizmu, ponieważ to on miał decydujące znaczenie dla tożsamości Towarzystwa, które określało się jako socjalistyczne. Działalność fabianów opierała się przede wszystkim na pisaniu pamfletów, esejów i przekonywaniu osób decydujących o polityce o słuszności ich socjalistycznych postulatów, dotyczących sfery politycznej, socjalnej i ekonomicznej. W ten sposób chcieli oni przenikać do rządzących elit politycznych – właśnie przenikanie było ich metodą działania. Na początku XX wieku zdecydowali się na podjęcie próby utworzenia partii politycznej i w 1903 roku przystąpili do formującej się Labour Party, "wyposażając" ją w ideologię. ; In the study major attention is given to the intellectual nature of the Fabian Society and its connections with the Labour Party. The Fabian Society was founded in 1884 by a group of middle-class intellectuals. The character of the Society was established under the leadership of such men as Sidney Webb, George Bernard Shaw, and Edward Pease. The initial Marxist influence on the Fabian Society is a reason why the Fabians took up a definitely Socialist standpoint, why they did not content them-selves with a left-wing Radical position. The Fabians desired to educate all classes toward socialism through publications and lectures. The Fabian Society has directed its main efforts to economic, social and political reform. Change was to come about by the "permeation" of existing institutions. The process of permeation meant promoting Fabian ideals through personal influence among members of Parliament and government officials, as well as getting more sympathetic men elected to local government and Parliament. In the early twentieth century, after considerable debate, the Society decided to join the newly formed Labour Party

The task of the article is a comparison of theoretical findings of the conception of the international economic cooperation of the CMEA member states with the premises of their economic policies in this scope and with the previous course of integrational processes in the CMEA group. In the first part of the study, three basic theoretical concepts of economic cooperation are presented which can be related to differing views of economists on the part played by planning and international market in the socialist economy. In the second part of the study a system of the international economic cooperation adopted in the premises of the economic policies of the CMEA member states is analyzed. The author's attention is focused mainly on those elements of the international cooperation system which are compromising opposing pursuits of the particular member states of securing themselves most favorable conditions for balancing necessary means with needs stated autonomously in the national plans of economic developement. The third part of the study is devoted to the analysis of features of functioning of the present system of international cooperation of the CMEA states. The actual distribution of competence and roles in the system of relations between various levels of domestic and international institutions and organizations are characterized. The scope of implementation of resolutions and recommendations of the CMEA on the developement of the international specialization and productional cooperation is evaluated. The excessive build up of the consulting and negociating activities almost on all the levels of economic organizations of the member states and of the CMEA organs is also indicated. The identification and analysis of structure of interdependence of economic interests in the sphere of realization of international economic cooperation in the CMEA are performed. Particularly, following groups of interests can be singled out: Party and government governing bodies, central economic administration, productional and trade enterprises, international organs of the CMEA. In the final remarks factors diminishing the ability to control a mechanism of the international cooperation are presented, this can well account for the lack of developement in real integrational ties and related organizational structures in the system of cooperation of the CMEA states. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The paper presents the results of a research project carried out in Łódź and the Łódź region under EU grant Diversity Improvement as a Viable Enrichment Resource for Society and Economy. The research was conducted in various institutions dealing with foreigners in Poland and in the region, in enterprises employing immigrants (public, for-profit and not-for-profit), and in voluntary organizations with which such persons are involved.The purpose of the project was to find out if there is an effectively functioning model in Poland and in the region for Third Country Nationals (TCNs) integration, and if any practices have been adopted to support their equal treatment and effective valorisation of their skills, knowledge and competence.The presence of TNCs in the Łódź region is only marginal. They are mostly staying in Łódź and its metropolitan area. Their nationality structure has been found to be similar to that of the country as a whole – the most numerous are immigrants from Ukraine (25% of the total number of immigrants), Belarus and other former socialist countries, and from Asia (Chinese constituting 10% of their total number). The majority of the im­migrants are employed in positions which do not require high qualifications. Those staying in the Łódź region are mainly working in manufacturing, con­struction and trade, depending on their country of origin.In view of the present demographic situation of the aging Polish society and considering external factors such as the war and economic crisis in Ukraine, an increased inflow of TCNs should be expected. ; Artykuł omawia rezultaty badań prowadzonych w Łodzi i regionie łódzkim w ramach grantu UE nt. Diversity Improvement as a Viable Enrichment Resource for Society and Economy. Badania przeprowadzono w różnych instytucjach zajmujących się cudzoziemcami w Polsce i regionie, w przedsiębiorstwach zatrudniających imigrantów (10 przedsiębiorstw – public, profit i non profit) oraz w organizacjach wolontariackich, w których takie osoby działają.Ogólnym celem projektu było sprawdzenie, czy funkcjonuje w Polsce i regionie skuteczny model integracji imigrantów spoza UE, zbadanie czy istnieją praktyki wspierające ich równe traktowanie oraz skuteczna waloryzacja ich umiejętności, wiedzy i kompetencji. Wyniki badań stanowiły podstawę do wskazania co i jak należy poprawić w działaniach wobec imigrantów. Celem niniejszej pracy była prezentacja idei i wyników tego projektu.Jak wykazały badania, obecność imigrantów spoza UE w regionie łódzkim jest marginalna. Cudzoziemcy koncentrowali się głównie w Łodzi i jej obszarze metropolitalnym. Ich struktura narodowościowa okazała się podobna jak w całej Polsce – najliczniej reprezentowani byli przybysze z Ukrainy (25% ogółu imigrantów), Białorusi i innych byłych krajów socjalistycznych oraz z Azji (w tym Chińczycy 10% ogółu). Przeważały osoby zatrudnione na stanowiskach nie wymagających wysokich kwalifikacji. Imigranci przebywający w regionie łódzkim, w zależności od kraju pochodzenia, pracowali głównie w przemyśle wytwórczym, budownictwie i handlu.Wobec aktualnych potrzeb w sytuacji demograficznej starzejącego się społeczeństwa polskiego, jak również takich czynników zewnętrznych, jak np. wojna i kryzys gospodarczy na Ukrainie, spodziewany będzie większy napływ imigrantów spoza UE.Generalnym wnioskiem z badań jest wskazanie, że należy udoskonalić istniejące przepisy prawne oraz stworzyć nowe regulujące w lepszy sposób problem pobytu imigrantów spoza UE, zasad uznawania ich kwalifikacji zawodowych oraz pozyskiwania pracy w Polsce.

This paper concerns post-1989 changes and modifications of Polish built heritage. For Poland, the year of the fall of the Iron Curtain marked the beginning of political and economic transformation: a transition from a socialist state and a member of the Soviet Bloc to a capitalist state integrated with the European Union. The implementation of democratic institutions and procedures, and the rise of free-market economy based on private property, has nurtured profound changes in the standard of living, which in turn triggered significant transformations of the traditional cultural landscape. Along with the development of pluralistic society, new ideas and approaches arose in the heritage sphere. The phenomenon described by Pierre Nora as "the explosion of memory" contributed to these changes, but was by no means their only source. The heritage practices were also shaped by the cultural policy of the state. As international cooperation was deepening, and the integration with the European Union was progressing, the makers of this policy increasingly drew on the ideas and solutions stemming from the experiences of the developed countries of the West. The heritage policy of the period was also influenced by the economic interpretations of culture, especially the idea of cultural capital, understood as an asset of cultural values. The primary objective of this article is to present the changes that the criteria of evaluation of monuments have been undergoing in contemporary Poland. The process is tremendously dynamic, which becomes apparent when one considers the widespread, grand-scale changes to the relics of old architecture in the last two decades. This paper describes examples of controversial uses of built heritage and details the circumstances behind a number of particular cases when the authenticity of visitors' experience was chosen over the authenticity of a material relic of the past ; Artykuł dotyczy przekształceń i modyfikacji dziedzictwa architektonicznego w Polsce po roku 1989. Upadek żelaznej kurtyny wyznaczał początek procesu transformacji ustrojowej prowadzącej od państwa socjalistycznego będącego częścią bloku sowieckiego do państwa kapitalistycznego, funkcjonującego w strukturach Unii Europejskiej. Wdrażanie instytucji i procedur demokratycznych, a także tworzenie wolnego rynku opartego na własności prywatnej stworzyło warunki dla głębokich przemian cywilizacyjnych, które z kolei doprowadziły do znaczących przeobrażeń tradycyjnego krajobrazu kulturowego. Proces kształtowania społeczeństwa pluralistycznego sprzyjał także rozwojowi nowych koncepcji i postaw w sferze dziedzictwa. Jednakże nie wszystkie z nich mają swe źródło w zjawisku, które Pierre Nora określił mianem "eksplozji pamięci". Praktyki społeczne dotyczące dziedzictwa architektonicznego w niemałym stopniu były również kształtowane przez działania z zakresu polityki kulturalnej państwa. Wraz z pogłębianiem współpracy międzynarodowej i postępem procesów integracyjnych ze strukturami Unii Europejskiej, twórcy tej polityki w coraz szerszym zakresie sięgali do idei i rozwiązań wynikających z doświadczeń rozwiniętych krajów Zachodu. Na ewolucję założeń polityki dziedzictwa realizowanej w omawianym okresie duży wpływ miały także ekonomiczne interpretacje kultury, a zwłaszcza koncepcja kapitału kulturowego jako zasobu wartości kulturowych. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest ukazanie przemian, jakim we współczesnej Polsce ulegają kryteria oceny wartości zabytków. O dynamice tego zjawiska świadczy skala przeobrażeń, którym uległy relikty dawnej architektury w ostatnich dwóch dziesięcioleciach. Artykuł opisuje różne przykłady kontrowersyjnego wykorzystania dziedzictwa budowlanego i analizuje uwarunkowaniami tych rozwiązań, w których autentyczność doświadczeń odbiorców stawiano wyżej niż autentyczność materialnego reliktu przeszłości.

This paper concerns post-1989 changes and modifications of Polish built heritage. For Poland, the year of the fall of the Iron Curtain marked the beginning of political and economic transformation: a transition from a socialist state and a member of the Soviet Bloc to a capitalist state integrated with the European Union. The implementation of democratic institutions and procedures, and the rise of free-market economy based on private property, has nurtured profound changes in the standard of living, which in turn triggered significant transformations of the traditional cultural landscape. Along with the development of pluralistic society, new ideas and approaches arose in the heritage sphere. The phenomenon described by Pierre Nora as "the explosion of memory" contributed to these changes, but was by no means their only source. The heritage practices were also shaped by the cultural policy of the state. As international cooperation was deepening, and the integration with the European Union was progressing, the makers of this policy increasingly drew on the ideas and solutions stemming from the experiences of the developed countries of the West. The heritage policy of the period was also influenced by the economic interpretations of culture, especially the idea of cultural capital, understood as an asset of cultural values. The primary objective of this article is to present the changes that the criteria of evaluation of monuments have been undergoing in contemporary Poland. The process is tremendously dynamic, which becomes apparent when one considers the widespread, grand-scale changes to the relics of old architecture in the last two decades. This paper describes examples of controversial uses of built heritage and details the circumstances behind a number of particular cases when the authenticity of visitors' experience was chosen over the authenticity of a material relic of the past ; Artykuł dotyczy przekształceń i modyfikacji dziedzictwa architektonicznego w Polsce po roku 1989. Upadek żelaznej kurtyny wyznaczał początek procesu transformacji ustrojowej prowadzącej od państwa socjalistycznego będącego częścią bloku sowieckiego do państwa kapitalistycznego, funkcjonującego w strukturach Unii Europejskiej. Wdrażanie instytucji i procedur demokratycznych, a także tworzenie wolnego rynku opartego na własności prywatnej stworzyło warunki dla głębokich przemian cywilizacyjnych, które z kolei doprowadziły do znaczących przeobrażeń tradycyjnego krajobrazu kulturowego. Proces kształtowania społeczeństwa pluralistycznego sprzyjał także rozwojowi nowych koncepcji i postaw w sferze dziedzictwa. Jednakże nie wszystkie z nich mają swe źródło w zjawisku, które Pierre Nora określił mianem "eksplozji pamięci". Praktyki społeczne dotyczące dziedzictwa architektonicznego w niemałym stopniu były również kształtowane przez działania z zakresu polityki kulturalnej państwa. Wraz z pogłębianiem współpracy międzynarodowej i postępem procesów integracyjnych ze strukturami Unii Europejskiej, twórcy tej polityki w coraz szerszym zakresie sięgali do idei i rozwiązań wynikających z doświadczeń rozwiniętych krajów Zachodu. Na ewolucję założeń polityki dziedzictwa realizowanej w omawianym okresie duży wpływ miały także ekonomiczne interpretacje kultury, a zwłaszcza koncepcja kapitału kulturowego jako zasobu wartości kulturowych. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest ukazanie przemian, jakim we współczesnej Polsce ulegają kryteria oceny wartości zabytków. O dynamice tego zjawiska świadczy skala przeobrażeń, którym uległy relikty dawnej architektury w ostatnich dwóch dziesięcioleciach. Artykuł opisuje różne przykłady kontrowersyjnego wykorzystania dziedzictwa budowlanego i analizuje uwarunkowaniami tych rozwiązań, w których autentyczność doświadczeń odbiorców stawiano wyżej niż autentyczność materialnego reliktu przeszłości.