Тематски Зборник Свакодневна култура у постсоцијалистичком периоду настао је као резултат научне сарадње Етнографског института САНУи Етнографског института и музеја БАН. Велике политичке и друштвене промене током деведесетих година 20.века озбиљно су се одразиле на свакодневну културу балканских земаља. Управо у периоду кризе, две суседне етнолошке установе, бугарска и српска, које више деценија током социјалисатичког периода нису сарађивале, отпочеле су заједнички рад на истраживању свакодневне културе. Зборник показује у ком правацу су се одвијали културни процеси у Србији и Бугарској, које су сличности и разлике међу њима, али и шта се дешава у постсоцијалистичком периоду у појединим сегментима свакодневне култура Словака, Руса и Македонаца. ; The Collection of Papers entitled ―Everyday Culture in post-socialist period is a result of collaboration between the Institute of Ethnography, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, and the Institute of Ethnography and Museum, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. The enormous political and social changes during the 1990's influenced also everyday culture of the Balkans states. After decades of hinder, and precisely in the period of crisis, two neighboring ethnological institutions, the Bulgarian and Serbian, started to cooperate together in the study of everyday culture.The Collection of Papers demonstrates the directions of the cultural processes in Serbia and Bulgaria, accentuating the differences and similarities among the two states, and also explains the deeds within certain segments of everyday cultures of Slovaks, Russians and Macedonians. ; Зборник радова Етнографског института САНУ 22 / Collection of Papers of the Institute of Ethnography SASA 22
In Serbia, in the aftermath of 5 October 2000, the process of desecularization, including the revitalization of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), overlapped with the democratization of its political institutions, as well as with the political and social pluralism. The desecularization of the Serbian society had already started in the socialist Yugoslavia, but the process itself intensified in the early period of political pluralism and establishment of the democratic political institutions. Is Orthodoxy compatible with democracy, viewed not only as the will of the majority or an election procedure, but also as a political culture of pluralism and rule of law? Is Orthodoxy possible as a "civic" church, in line with the European political tradition of democracy and pluralism? The author contends that the contemporary Orthodoxy, including the SOC, accepts globalization in its technical, technological and economic sense, with a parallel tendency towards cultural fragmentation. Thus one needs a consensus between the SOC, state and society in Serbia concerning the basic values, such as: democracy, civil society, pluralistic discourse, secular tolerance and individual human rights. ; In Serbia, in the aftermath of 5 October 2000, the process of desecularization, including the revitalization of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), overlapped with the democratization of its political institutions, as well as with the political and social pluralism. The desecularization of the Serbian society had already started in the socialist Yugoslavia, but the process itself intensified in the early period of political pluralism and establishment of the democratic political institutions. Is Orthodoxy compatible with democracy, viewed not only as the will of the majority or an election procedure, but also as a political culture of pluralism and rule of law? Is Orthodoxy possible as a "civic" church, in line with the European political tradition of democracy and pluralism? The author contends that the contemporary Orthodoxy, including the SOC, accepts globalization in its technical, technological and economic sense, with a parallel tendency towards cultural fragmentation. Thus one needs a consensus between the SOC, state and society in Serbia concerning the basic values, such as: democracy, civil society, pluralistic discourse, secular tolerance and individual human rights.
In the period 1945-1950, the oldest educational and cultural organization of the Croatian peasantry, "Seljacka Sloga" (Peasant Unity), renewed its work throughout Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina. In terms of the extent of the organization, the number of local branches (over 600) approached the prewar figure, and an equally respectable number of people (over 60,000) participated in the various educational and cultural activities it offered. These activities primarily followed traditional patterns: instruction in reading and writing, advice on economic and health issues, promotion and preservation of cultural customs and heritage, and assistance to amateur peasant artists of all kinds. But the very existence and work of the organization in this period was in large part determined by the political objectives of the new socialist government, which saw in the organization's activities the possibility of strengthening its influence in the countryside. is thus possible to conclude that "Sloga" at this time was made an instrument of politics, and this shaped the content of its work and determined the nature of its organization. The new government forced "Sloga" to join the pro-communist National Front and make its policies according to the set principles of, at first, national democracy, and later, socialism. The leaders of "Sloga" were under constant pressure from the state. Nonetheless, the author concludes that the "Sloga" played an important role in the postwar era, a time of extreme poverty, when other institutions did not exist. In the countryside, its revived cultural and educational activities satisfied basic needs. (SOI : CSP: S. 146)
Predmet rada su činioci i struktura političke kulture mladih u Srbiji. Politička kultura shvaćena je kao sveukupnost političkih i politički relevantnih orijentacija među pripadnicima jedne političke zajednice koja obuhvata nekoliko tipova orijentacije: kognitivne, afektivne, motivacione, vrednosne i ponašajne. ; The paper explores the factors and structure of youth political culture in Serbia. Political culture is defined as a comprehensive sum of political and politically relevant orientations of the members of a political community and comprises several types of orientations: cognitive, affective, motivational, evaluative and behavioural. Accordingly, five components of youth political culture were distinguished and operationalised by a large number of indicators. The empirical basis for the thesis is a survey conducted in 25 randomly selected secondary schools from the city of Belgrade. The total of 788 students from four different types of secondary school participated in the research: grammar schools (N=202), technical (N=207), economic (N=211) and medical (N=168). The sample was restricted to students of the final year (average age M=18.10, SD=.40). Three-quarters of students (75%) in the sample attend urban secondary schools and one quarter suburban (25%). There were more female participants (58%) than male (42%). Research results indicate that the level of youth political knowledge is low. The majority are not informed about topical social and political issues nor acquainted with certain basic rules regarding the functioning of the Serbian political system, such as the election threshold, government composition or the number of MPs. The prevailing feelings towards numerous analysed political objects are negative. Young people are highly dissatisfied with the current socioeconomic situation. The President, the Government, the Parliament, police, judiciary, the European Union or NATO, are not much trusted. Political cynicism is dominant, while for the majority politics is not the field of interest nor is considered important in life. Most students believe that they cannot influence political affairs (however, surprisingly, they are ready to vote in the following elections) while their opinions on social activism are divided. The attitude towards pro-system values is often ambiguous and vague. The attitude towards democracy is predominantly positive. However, the majority of students do not perceive favourably the newly established mechanisms and institutions of market economy and are hence more inclined towards the socialist than (pro-)market orientation. It can be said that they do not support the freedom of speech, multi-party system and rule of law.
У овом раду сам настојала да укажем на могућност истраживања културне политике у Србији на примеру рада Опере Нaродног позоришта у Београду, као и репертоарске политике Управе опере у друштвено-политичком и културолошком оквиру у периоду од 1971. до 2011. године. Разлог да се посветим истраживању рада Опере у поменутом временском раздобљу јесте питање: шта се догађало са Опером после златног периода? Сазнање да не постоји ниједна студија у којој је прикупљена и систематизована грађа о раду Опере Народног позоришта у протеклих четрдесет година, подстакло ме је да истражим могуће разлоге за "сумрак" институције која је, током златног периода била једна од најјачих адута југословенске културне политике. ; In this paper I tried to address the possibility of researching the cultural politics in Serbia in the case of Belgrade National Th eatre Opera as well as the repertoire politics of Opera's management in the social-political and the cultural context between 1971 and 2011. I wanted to address the following question: What was happening with the Opera after the Golden period? Th is paper discusses the changes that have infl uenced the development of the given cultural institution's work. Within the institution, there were problems as evidenced by the White Book, which was published 1970 in order to inform the general public about the idea of opera's all-round reform. Th e book stated that the main reasons for the reform were: 'insuffi cient professionalism', material and fi nancial situation and the Opera's repertory. At the end of the 1960s, the National Th eatre failed to "prepare" basic conditions for reform. In 1968 Th eater Community was founded, as well as specifi c self-association and through the activities of the organization National Th eatre secured substantial funding. Th ere were several reform initiatives to improve the situation in Opera, such as the idea of establishing a chamber theater - Krug 101 and the improvement of professional work in Opera. By the beginning of the 1980s, Yugoslavia was economically falling even deeper into crisis and that refl ected in the work of Opera. Th e beginning of 1990s was marked by strong political interference in all spheres of life, which was typical for a society in transition. Preliminary concept of cultural politics of this period was to propagate the desirable national values of the new Yugoslavia. Th is was confi rmed by the fact that the repertoire of the Opera exempted all the works of the composers of the former countries of Yugoslavia and set only a part of Serbian authors. It was a time when the theater faced insuffi cient funding from the state budget. Th is situation infl uenced the quality and quantity of performance. Former Socialist Party was replaced with Democratic Party, which in the next ten years (2000–2010) strived towards 'modern' Serbia. Th is was confi rmed by the work of the Opera, which aimed to return to the European stage (travel abroad, setting the forgotten and the new opera). From the early 1970s to 2011 in the work of the Opera, we tried to fi nd possible reasons that led to the "twilight" institutions. It is necessary now to focus on the cultural life by establishing a cultural policy that will determine the goals and strategies of cultural action. Th is direction may be possible after the transition, which means "regulated society" that will have a stable cultural policy, and thus defi ned the relationship between the state and national opera, and its repertoire. ; Први национални научни скуп са међународним учешћем
Od 1990. godine, čitav region Istočne i Jugoistočne Evrope počeo je sa transformacijom svojih ekonomija iz centralno planskog sistema u tržišni, što se označava pojmom tranzicija. Postavka istraživačke studije je sagledavanje stanja sektora poljoprivrede Republike Srbije i Bosne i Hercegovine, koji su prošli kroz proces ekonomske tranzicije. Ideja tranzicije privrede, odnosno poljoprivrede je rast proizvodnje i BDP, povećanje efikasnosti i ostvarivanje boljih proizvodno-ekonomskih performansi. Cilj istraživanja je utvrditi da li je i u kojoj meri tranzicija poljoprivrede dovela do njenog razvoja, koji su propusti napravljeni i kakve mere agrarne politike kreirati u funkciji daljeg razvoja poljoprivrede i ruralnih područja. U izvođenju vrednosnih sudova i kritičkih zapažanja celokupnog procesa tranzicije agrosektora korišćene su određene naučne metode poput naučnog studiranja, indikatori, grafički metod, statistički metod, deskriptivna analiza i sinteza, komparatvini metod i drugi naučni metodi. Strategija poljoprivredne tranzicije u bivšim socijalističkim zemljama imala je za cilj poboljšanje efikasnosti i produktivnosti poljoprivrede zamenom institucionalnih i organizacionih karakteristika komandne ekonomije sa atributima pozajmljenim iz prakse tržišne ekonomije. Transformacija od kolektivne do efikasnije individualizovane poljoprivrede (privatizacija), koja će ostvarivati veći nivo prihoda je krajnji cilj. Tranziciju poljoprivrede prati nepovoljna vlasnička struktura i niska produktivnost, neefikasnost agrarne politike, spor razvoj institucija podrške, neadekvatan zakonodavni okvir i neuspešna privatizacija. Proces privatizacije obeležen je sa mnogo kontroverzi i zloupotreba, pa je i to imalo negativan odraz na ukupne efekte. Pored nabrojanog, efekti tranzicije poljoprivrede se ogledaju i u smanjenom obimu investicija, padu stočarske proizvodnje, spoljnotrgovinska razmena uglavnom sirovina i proizvoda niskog stepena finalizacije, depopulaciji sela, nepovoljnoj agrarnoj strukturi, malim pomacima na planu podiznja konkurentnosti i produktivnosti i nekonzistentnoj agrarnoj politici. Ni poljoprivredno zadrugarstvo nije revitalizovano, a kamoli ostvarilo neki značajan uspeh, tim pre, jer nije vraćeno poljuljano poverenje u zadružni oblik organizovanja, niti su zadružni principi usvojeni. Prelazak na tržišnu ekonomiju ostavio je Srbiju i Bosnu i Hercegovinu daleko iza najuspešnijih zemalja Centralne i Istočne Evrope. BiH zaostaje po mnogim pitanjima vezanim za strukturne reforme, koje su pratile ekonomsku tranziciju zemalja u regionu. U Republici Srbiji je stanje nešto bolje, ali svakako ispod očekivanja i s velikim kašnjenjima, pa su samim tim pozitivni efekti značajno slabiji. Stanje u BiH u posttranzicionom periodu je takvo da nedostaje institucionalna podrška i podsticajne mere agrarne politike na svim nivoima, počev od države preko kantona i opština, a tržišne reforme poljoprivrednog sektora nailaze na probleme i zastoje. Tranzicija poljoprivrede u BiH nije donela očekivane efekte, s obzirom da nije modernizovana, niti je zasnovana na efikasnosti, konkurentnosti, intenzivnosti i tržišnosti. Nešto bolja situacija je u Republici Srbiji, ali svakako nije razvijen sektor poljoprivrede, niti su u potpunosti ostvareni zacrtani ciljevi tranzicije. ; Since 1990, the entire region of Eastern and Southeastern Europe has begun to transform its economies from the central planning system to the marketplace, which is referred to as the concept of transition. The research study setting is to look at the state of the agriculture sector of the Republic of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, which went through the process of economic transition. The idea of a transition of the economy, that is agriculture, is the growth of production and GDP, increasing efficiency and achieving better productioneconomic performance. The aim of the research is to determine whether and to what extent the transition of agriculture has led to its development, what omissions have been made and what measures of agrarian policy are to be created in the function of further development of agriculture and rural areas. Certain scientific methods such as scientific study, indicators, graphic method, statistical method, descriptive analysis and synthesis, comparative methods and other scientific methods have been used in performing value judgments and critical observations of the whole process of transition of agrosectors. The agricultural transition strategy in the former socialist countries aimed to improve the efficiency and productivity of agriculture by replacing the institutional and organizational characteristics of the command economy with attributes borrowed from the practice of a market economy. Transformation from collective to more efficient individualized agriculture (privatization), which will achieve higher level of income is the ultimate goal. The transition to agriculture is accompanied by an unfavorable ownership structure and low productivity, inefficiency of agrarian policy, slow development of support institutions, inadequate legislative framework and unsuccessful privatization. The privatization process was marked with a lot of controversy and abuse, which also had a negative impact on the overall effects. In addition to the above, the effects of agriculture transition are reflected in the reduced volume of investments, the decline in livestock production, the foreign trade of mostly raw materials and products of low level of finalization, depopulation of the village, unfavorable agrarian structure, small shifts in raising competitiveness and productivity and inconsistent agricultural policy. Even agricultural cooperatives were not revitalized, let alone achieved some significant success, the sooner because no shattered confidence in the cooperative form of organization was returned, nor cooperative principles were adopted. The transition to the market economy left Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina far behind the most successful countries in Central and Eastern Europe. Bosnia and Herzegovina lags behind many issues related to structural reforms, which have followed the economic transition of countries in the region. In the Republic of Serbia, the situation is somewhat better, but certainly below expectations and with big delays, so the positive effects are significantly weaker. The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the post-transition period is such that institutional support and incentive measures of agrarian policy at all levels, starting from the state through cantons and municipalities, are lacking, and market reforms of the agricultural sector are facing problems and delays. The transit of agriculture in Bosnia and Herzegovina did not produce the expected effects, as it was not modernized nor based on efficiency, competitiveness, intensity and marketability. There is a somewhat better situation in the Republic of Serbia, but the agriculture sector is certainly not developed, and the goals of transition have not been fully met.
