The discourse on "the information society" developed until the 70's as one of the prevailing discourse in our society; with promises to link information technology and free market with economic growth and human progress. This eventually became something like the official ideology of the European Union as demonstrated by the famous Lisbon strategy to become "the most dynamic and competitive knowledge-based economy in the world" placing "emphasis on the need to adapt constantly to changes in the information society". This discourse about "information society" raised its share of criticism based on technological determinism or the new informational prophecies, Here I think about the works of French authors, like Armand Mattelart, David Forest, Philippe Breton, and so on. This discussion is not intended to review the criticisms, but to go back in time and analyse what can be considered as the first concept of information and society in the wake of the cybernetic movement, in the United States, at the end of the 1940's.Now, briefly, what is cybernetics and how can it claim to be the first discourse about information society?
Includes bibliographical notes and index ; This book puts together historical documents that illustrate the lives and concerns of Hong Kong people through a century and a half of colonial rule. It describes not only the ideals of the elite, but also the harsh realities of life faced by the majority, who until recent years lived under considerable poverty. It documents changes in standards of living, housing conditions, family life, communal organization and political aspirations. This vivid account of Hong Kong's social history as Hong Kong people lived it summarizes the predicaments of people who chose to live in Hong Kong ; published_or_final_version ; Series general editors' foreword / Tsang, Steve pvii ; Acknowledgements pix ; Introduction - Hong Kong , colonial society p1 ; Index p383 ; Ch.one Early settlement p15 ; Ch.two The Chinese community in early Hong Kong p57 ; Ch.four The people's livelihood in the 1920s and 1930s p149 ; Ch.five The second world war and the Japanese occupation p209 ; Ch.six The return to immigrant society, 1945-1966 p233 ; Ch.seven Crisis and consolidation, 1966-1981 p285 ; Ch.eight Affluence and beyond p351 ; a Villagers and immigrants p16 ; b Respectability p16 ; c Residential segregation p22 ; d In retrospect p47 ; a The temple and its community p58 ; b Chinese guilds and other voluntary associations p61 ; c The Chinese community's politics p85 ; a Food, wages and other statistics p150 ; b The strikes of the 1920s p160 ; c The sale of women p174 ; d Depression, livelihood and reform p180 ; a War experience p210 ; b Life in occupied Hong Kong p225 ; a Restoration of traditional communal institutions p234 ; b Poverty and the need for welfare p248 ; c Changes in personal characteristics p268 ; d Industrialization in the 1950s p274 ; e Social mobility p278 ; f Professionalization p280 ; a Riots p286 ; b Language p293 ; c The population transition p299 ; d New hopes and bold beginning p300 ; e Hong Kong workers p317 ; f Transforming the rural family p335 ; g The new poor p347 ; h As they kept coming p348 ; a Out of apathy p351 ; b Rich and poor p352 ; c The local people emigrate p367 ; d The survival of customs p370 ; e How satisfied have Hong Kong people been? p372 ; Ch.three A city of entrepreneurs p117
Nearly two decades have passed since the events of the WTO's Seattle Ministerial marked civil society as relevant to global trade politics. Despite this, and as the chapter explains, there remains significant ambiguity as to what is meant by the term 'civil society'. That civil society matters in global trade governance needs to be understood in terms of two inter-related questions: how the WTO Secretariat, and other institutional actors, give recognition to certain groups and individuals; and, why it is that the actors described as 'civil society' seek to contest a governance domain often seemingly closed to their demands.
Civil society with developed economic, cultural, legal and political relations, independent of the state, but to interact with it, the society of citizens of high social, political, cultural and moral status, creating together with the state of development of legal relations.
This article discusses the experience of civil society and social movements inCentral and Eastern Europe both before and after the events of 1989. It showshow the different paths to the development of "civil society" as an organisingconcept in the pre-1989 period impacted on experiences after that date, and relates this to broader theoretical debates on the concept. In particular, it argues that the movements of "un-civil society" often fulfil a more substantial political role than the NGOs of "civil society", for a range of reasons. Thearticle draws on a series of interviews conducted with "alter-globalisation" activists in the region
India is a land of pluralities. India is a country with world's second largest population, India represents endless variety of physical features, linguistic groups, cultural patterns, caste and religious divisions. Pluralism is a political philosophy holding that people of different backgrounds, beliefs, and life style can co-exist in the same society and equally participate in political process. Framework of Indian Constitution shows that it is possible to respect cultural diversity without damaging the nation. This paper discusses how people belongs to different categories exist together. This paper also shows that country like India where multicultural, plural societies, multi-ethnic exist so how social justice, political democracy and economic progress can be achieved through accommodation of diverse identities and interests.
As the membership of the International System Safety Society began to include those living outside of the Greater Los Angeles area, it became evident that there was a need for chapters in order to provide a more direct interaction of individuals attempting to understand and implement the nebulous field of system safety. As previously noted, nearly all the charter and earliest subsequent members of the Society were associated with the Southern California Aerospace/Air Force complex. During the first few years, there was little thought given to the need for chapters, since most members lived in the L.A. area and could attend the annual Society dinner meetings. As time went on, the need to find qualified individuals to respond to the contractual requirements of MILS- 38130 and other system safety requirements challenged contractors elsewhere. At the same time, the surge by governmental agencies to initiate system safety practices accelerated. This need led to the recruitment of many of the early system safety practitioners for key positions in other locations, especially in the DC and other Northeast locations. This altered the demographics of Society membership, and enthused the desire for local chapters.
The purpose of this study is to introduce Sustainable Socially Responsible Society 6.0 as a new concept that is supposed to extend 'Corporate Social Responsibility' to the entire society for humankind to gain a new chance to survive beyond the dangerous neoliberalism that abuses the market and democracy to the benefit of very few humans—the richest one percent and a few around them—and beyond Society 5.0. This study aims to define the framework conditions of 'Well-being Society 6.0', where humans can both achieve and define their targeted quality of life, including work–life balance, etc. Mulej's Dialectical Systems Theory provides requisite (i.e., sufficient and necessary) integrity/holism of approach that leads to a Sustainable Socially Responsible (SSR) Society without overlooking the necessity of personal, including managerial, responsibility. Most humans try to satisfy their basic survival needs by management, which is requisitely holistic ; it can and shall contribute to setting the framework conditions, foremost with non-technological innovation management. The Economy for the Common Good can contribute to SSR Society 6.0, including 'Well-being society'. In addition, in 2019–2021 humankind is experiencing the 'new Corona Virus' crisis, killing millions, but also enabling a crucial step toward a well-being society by returning worldwide economic governance from neoliberalism to Keynes-based state capitalism with no loud objections.
The article analyzes the processes of society virtualization, forming the civilization trend of a century turn. Based on the analysis of economic and political trends, characteristic of most developed countries it was concluded that the orientation of practices on images and not things leads to the simulation of social institutions
The article analyzes the processes of society virtualization, forming the civilization trend of a century turn. Based on the analysis of economic and political trends, characteristic of most developed countries it was concluded that the orientation of practices on images and not things leads to the simulation of social institutions
The article analyzes the processes of society virtualization, forming the civilization trend of a century turn. Based on the analysis of economic and political trends, characteristic of most developed countries it was concluded that the orientation of practices on images and not things leads to the simulation of social institutions
The emperor and the court.--The government.--The penal code.--The administration of the laws.--Village communities.--The literati and farmers--Mechanics and merchants.--Medicine.--The competitive examinations.--Filial piety and the position of women.--Marriage.--Funeral relations.--Our commercial relations with China.--The war of 1860.--Foreign relations.--Outrages on missionaries.--The audience question.--Foreign trade with China.--Chinese architecture.--Domestic slaves.--Infanticide.--Food and dress.--Gardens and travel.--Amusements.--Coins and art.--The religions of China. ; Mode of access: Internet.
The emperor and the court.--The government.--The penal code.--The administration of the laws.--Village communities.--The literati and farmers.--Mechanics and merchants.--Medicine.--The competitive examinations.--Filial piety and the position of women.--Marriage.--Funeral rites.--Our commercial relations with China.--The war of 1860.--Foreign relations.--Outrages on missionaries.--The audience question.--Foreign trade with China.--Chinese architecture.--Domestic slaves.--Infanticide.--Food and dress.--Gardens and travel.--Amusements.--Coins and art.--The religions of China. ; Mode of access: Internet.
De Tocqueville' tripartite structure (state - political society - civil society) could not be found in societies governed by authoritarian communist regimes in the twentieth century. Citizens of "a partocratic and mythocratic state that embraced every walk of life" had yet to find their place. The concept of the 'parallel society' was outlined by the Czech philosopher Václav Benda in late 1970s. He maintained that even a gentle form of opposition could, in due time, undermine the communist regime's omnipotent control over society. The goal of the parallel polis was "taking over… every space that state power has temporarily abandoned or which it has never occurred to it to occupy in the first place". The institutions of a parallel society were to undertake long-lasting work for the building of democracy, rather than plan for any immediate mobilization against authoritarian regimes. The already existing elements of civil society challenged state institutions at the grass-roots' level. It required quite an extensive amount of work and much effort to cope with a multitude of different tasks. A parallel society needed specialists able to compose curricula and syllabi for underground educational courses; people competent in printing technology to publish hundreds of illegal journals and books as well as those who were committed enough to risk their freedom in order to distribute illegal publications; others who provided refuge or help for the persecuted, who acted as hosts to printing houses or offered their apartments for classes, courses and public lectures. All this led to the building up of various communities of citizens which although limited in terms of their numbers, were nevertheless very committed, and which took the lead in public opinion formation
This thesis departs from the fact, that the use of social media platforms has become a precondition for politicians and parties, where social media have been presented as new opportunities to reach and engage voters, bypassing mass media, and levelling the political playing field. Now, however, politicians and parties face the limitations and control of platforms, and must submit to new forms of media logic, increased mediatization of politics. To comprehend this transformative shift, we must understand that digital and social media permeate all aspects of society, that we now live in a digital society. Sociologist Deborah Lupton have noted that ". the very idea of 'culture' or 'society' cannot now be fully understood without the recognition that computer software and hardware devices not only underpin but actively constitute selfhood, embodiment, social life, social relations and social institutions" (Lupton, 2014). This is certainly true in politics too. This thesis is contextualized within the formal arena of national politics in Denmark, including the Danish media system and the specificity of Danish political culture. Throughout the thesis, I focus on how social media platforms are used by Danish politicians, as an illustration of how the transformative power of platforms impacts formal politics, i.e., how politics is exercised and performed by politicians and political parties in election campaigns as well as in agenda-setting in everyday politics. The methodological approach of the thesis takes the form of an inductive, observational mapping of political life on social media and beyond in Denmark. This approach does in no way imply that the thesis is detached from theory. On the contrary, the overall argument is based on the conceptualisation of social media as a new form of social interaction, mediated online interaction, that takes place on media and technology platforms with distinct media logics of their own and which contributes to an increased mediatization of political communication culture and society. In practical terms, I explore three empirical cases. The first case, Governing with Social Media, is an introduction to the field of digital political communication in Denmark and how the party leaders and Members of Parliament use social media. In the second case, Breaking the Agenda, I explore how social media platforms are used for setting the agenda on social media platforms and in the news media. The primary focus is on how live streaming video is used in context of political events. Finally, in the last case, Danish Elections and Campaigning, I unfold how social media have been used in the past general elections. Among the main findings are that politicians are increasingly using multiple social media platforms to set the political agenda, stay visible to the voters and the news media, and cultivate the personal candidacy. Adding to this, although it is not possible to say that the use of social media will guarantee an election win, it seems clear that it has become virtually impossible to get elected without the use of social media. With this thesis, I aim to contribute to the limited, but emerging field of research in political communication on social media in Denmark. The field needs attention, if we want to understand the wider impact of social media on politics in digital society. As such, this thesis does not mark the end of research, but rather it is a part of the initial mapping of a growing research field, which I hope to explore more in the future.
