Suchergebnisse

Šport je oduvijek bio u svezi s međunarodnom politikom i diplomacijom te s kulturom i nacionalnim identitetom. Informacijski i tehnološki napredak potaknuli su promjene u međunarodnim političkim i ekonomskim odnosima. Svjedoci smo ubrzanih promjena društvenih formacija u nacionalnome i globalnom okruženju. U kontekstu navedenih zbivanja, šport i športska diplomacija značajan su čimbenik preraspodjele političke i ekonomske moći. U radu se objašnjava kako države preko uspjeha i prepoznatljivosti u športu učinkovito šire svoj međunarodni utjecaj. Unatoč važnosti športa, posebno športske diplomacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima, u hrvatskim su akademskim krugovima znanstvena istraživanja športske diplomacije još uvijek u začecima, čemu svjedoči veoma oskudan broj radova i knjiga. Zbog toga, vodeći se primjerima drugih država i shvaćajući ispremreženost športa i diplomacije u globalnome svijetu, u ovome se radu analizira šport kao fenomen meke moći te potencijali i mogućnosti hrvatske športske diplomacije. Također se promišljaju preduvjeti i specifičnosti daljnjega razvoja športa u Hrvatskoj kao važnoga izvora meke moći. ; Sport has always been associated with international politics and diplomacy, as well as with culture and national identity. Information and technological advances have spurred changes in international political and economic relations. We are witnessing accelerated changes in social formations in the national and global environment. In the context of these developments, sport and sports diplomacy are a significant factor in the redistribution of political and economic power. The paper explains how countries effectively expand their international influence through success and recognition in sports. Despite the importance of sports, especially sports diplomacy in contemporary international relations, scientific research in sports diplomacy is still in its infancy in Croatian academic circles, as evidenced by the very scarce number of papers and books. Therefore, following the examples of other countries and understanding the intertwining of sports and diplomacy in the global world, this paper analyzes sport as a phenomenon of soft power and the potentials and possibilities of Croatian sports diplomacy. The preconditions and specifics of the further development of sport in Croatia as an important source of soft power are also considered.

Ovaj se rad bavi stvarnim mogućnostima koje stoje na raspolaganju Bosni i Hercegovini u ostvarenju strateškoga cilja koje je sebi zadalo bosanskohercegovačko društvo, a to je članstvo u Europskoj uniji. Kako svaka država u vanjskim odnosima može računati na tri vrste moći (vojna, ekonomska i meka moć), ovdje se pošlo od pretpostavke da ta država nema značajne vojne i ekonomske potencijale, ali i to kako se među tri izvora meke moći (vanjska politika, unutarnje političke vrijednosti i kultura) Bosna i Hercegovina za sada može uspješno koristiti samo kulturom. Stoga se, u usporedbi s dosegnutom razinom uspješnosti primjene kulture u vanjskim odnosima EU-a, došlo do zaključka da je kreiranje i primjena jedinstvene kulturno-diplomatske strategije Bosne i Hercegovine poželjan način pozitivnoga pozicioniranja te države na političkoj i društvenoj karti Europe. ; This paper deals with realistic opportunities available to Bosnia and Herzegovina in achieving the strategic goal set by Bosnian-Herzegovinian society, which is membership in the European Union. Since every country in its external relations can count on three types of power (military, economic, and soft power), we have assumed that the country in question has no significant military and economic potentials, but, also—among the three soft power sources (foreign policy, internal political values and culture)—Bosnia and Herzegovina can successfully use only culture for the time being. Therefore, the intention of this paper is to show that the creation and implementation of a unified cultural-diplomatic strategy is a desirable way of positive positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the political and social map of Europe.

The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters. ; The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters.

1948. bila je prijelomna godina za jugoslavensko-američke odnose i američku vanjsku politiku prema Jugoslaviji. Nakon razlaza sa Staljinom, američka administracija formulirala je "strategiju klina" u svrhu održavanja Tita "na površini" te, osim ekonomske i vojne pomoći, pokrenula niz kulturnih programa namijenjenih približavanju Jugoslavije Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Članak analizira aktivnosti kao i kulturnu i intelektualnu atraktivnost Američke čitaonice u Zagrebu u jeku Hladnog rata kao dio američke javne i kulturne diplomacije. Nastao je na temelju usmenog intervjua te je popraćen međunarodnim arhivskim istraživanjem (National Archives at College Park i University of Arkansas Library, SAD; Arhiv Jugoslavije, Arhiv Josipa Broza Tita i Historijski arhiv grada Beograda, Beograd; Hrvatski državni arhiv, Zagreb; te Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection). Autorica tvrdi da je kroz djelatnosti čitaonice, programe kulturnih razmjena, radio Glas Amerike, američkih paviljona na Zagrebačkom i Beogradskom velesajmu, kao i preko kulturnih gostovanja, američka vlada uspješno vezala jugoslavenski kulturni prostor za zapadne, američke trendove i tendencije. Kroz perspektivu osobnog svjedoka, direktorice United States Information Servicea (USIS) Zagreb, autorica izlaže uspjehe, granice i prostore pregovaranja američke javne diplomacije (public diplomacy) kao validnog instrumenta američke vanjske politike prema Titovoj Jugoslaviji. ; 1948 was a breakthrough year for the Yugoslav-American bilateral relations and the US foreign policy towards Yugoslavia. After the Tito-Stalin split, the US administration conceived a "wedge strategy" to "keep Tito afloat" and, besides economic and military aid, launched a series of cultural programs aimed at bringing Yugoslavia closer to the United States. The article analyzes the activities as well as the cultural and intellectual attractiveness of the American Library Zagreb at the height of the Cold War as part of the US public diplomacy strategy in socialist Yugoslavia. Based on an oral interview, the article relies on international archival research at the National Archives at College Park and the University of Arkansas Library, USA, the Yugoslav Archives, Josip Broz Tito's Archives, Belgrade's Historical Archives, Belgrade, the Croatian State Archives, and the Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection. The author argues that through the library activities, the cultural exchange programs, the Voice of America, and the American pavilions at the Zagreb and Belgrade Fair, as well as through cultural visits, the US government successfully linked the Yugoslav cultural space to Western, American trends and tendencies. Through the perspective of a witness, the United States Information Service (USIS) director in Zagreb, the author presents the successes, boundaries and negotiating spaces of the US public diplomacy as a valid instrument of US foreign policy towards Tito's Yugoslavia.

Kulturna diplomacija jedno je od posebnih područja unutar šire kategorije diplomacije i dio javne diplomacije koju određuje sadržaj diplomatskog djelovanja. Vlade nacionalnih država i drugi tipovi aktera provode kulturnu diplomaciju kroz razne oblike kulturnog predstavljanja i razmjene koji su usmjereni prema stranim javnostima radi ostvarivanja međusobnog razumijevanja i suradnje, ali u skladu sa svojim vanjskopolitičkim ciljevima koji obuhvaćaju promociju vlastite kulture i izgradnju pozitivnog imidža. Primjenjujući navedeni teorijski okvir, u radu predstavljamo studiju slučaja aktualne kulturne diplomacije Republike Hrvatske razlikujući strukturni i konceptualni aspekt kulturne diplomacije, s fokusom na izgradnju meke moći. Promatrajući strukturni aspekt, predstavljamo institucije koje sudjeluju u hrvatskom kulturno-diplomatskom djelovanju, dok u sklopu konceptualnog aspekta analiziramo kulturne sadržaje kojima se oblikuje vanjski nacionalni imidž Hrvatske. ; Cultural diplomacy is one of the specific fields within the broad category of diplomacy and is a component of public diplomacy which is determined by the content of diplomatic activity. National state governments and other types of actors conduct cultural diplomacy through different forms of cultural representation and exchange that are directed towards foreign public in order to achieve mutual understanding and cooperation – all in accordance with their foreign policy goals which include promoting their own culture and building a positive national image. Using this theoretical framework, the paper presents a case study of the current cultural diplomacy of the Republic of Croatia by differentiating structural and conceptual aspect of cultural diplomacy and focusing on building its soft power. By examining the structural aspect, the paper introduces the institutions that participate in the Croatian cultural diplomatic activity, while within the conceptual aspect, this paper analyzes the cultural activities which form the foreign national image of Croatia.

Hrana kao esencijalni sastojak ljudske egzistencije oduvijek je igrala važnu ulogu u međudržavnim odnosima i diplomatskoj praksi te je bila korištena kao medij kroz koji se projicira utjecaj, komuniciraju kultura i identitet te poruke koje izražavaju prijateljstvo ili neprijateljstvo. Uloga hrane sve je istaknutija u javnodiplomatskoj praksi različitih država, dok su akademska razmatranja gastrodiplomacije, kulinarske diplomacije ili diplomacije hranom do sada bila ograničena unutar discipline međunarodnih odnosa. Cilj je članka predstaviti različite aspekte ovog novog interdisciplinarnog polja istraživanja široj akademskoj zajednici, polazeći od hipoteze da hrana u sve većoj mjeri postaje prepoznata kao službeno sredstvo meke moći i javne diplomacije. U članku se prezentiraju rezultati inicijalnog istraživanja provedenog među diplomatima akreditiranima u Republici Hrvatskoj te anketnog istraživanja provedenog među studentima Fakulteta političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. ; Food as an essential ingredient of human existence, has always played an important role in interstate relations and diplomatic practice. It has been used as a medium for projecting influence, communicating one's culture, identity and messages that express friendship or enmity. Its role is becoming increasingly prominent in the public diplomacy practices of various countries, while academic accounts on gastro diplomacy, food diplomacy or culinary diplomacy within the International Relations (IR) discipline have so far been limited. The aim of this article is to introduce different aspects of this new, developing field of interdisciplinary research to the wider academic community, building on the hypothesis that food is becoming more recognized as an official soft power or public diplomacy tool. The article contains an analysis based on an initial survey conducted among the diplomats accredited in the Republic of Croatia as well as among the students of the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb.

After the breakup of the USSR, and the several rounds of Post-Cold War enlargements of the Western integrations, once large space of newly independent and geopolitically uncontrolled European post-communist states, located between the EU, NATO and Russia, contracts geopolitically and 'wanders' strategically. The three states, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova, located on Russia's western borders share about three thousand kilometers of borders with the EU and NATO, and about two thousand and five hundred kilometers with Russia, which implicates that they are prone to the geopolitical influences from their surroundings. This Interspace of the three states lies inside the strategic triangle comprised of: 1) Russia - geopolitically and militarily powerful state as well as a giant considering its energy reserves, which makes her relatively strong 'hard' power as well as a significant 'soft' power; 2) the EU - economic giant on the global level that is not unified enough; has domestic problems and is partially dependent on Russia when it comes to energy, a civilian power without 'hard' power that in its foreign relations relies on policies based on financial assistance, assurance, and attractiveness; 3) NATO, led by the USA - the most powerful military-political-security 'hard' power that exists today; it does not have the kind of influence on Europe and the Post-Soviet space that it had in the 90-ies. However, as a consequence of subordination of the Interspace that lasted for a couple of centuries, the common characteristics intrinsic to this space occur: ambiguous identities; deficits in the democratic practices; complicated, prolonged and incomplete transition; economic decline, demographic problems - all of which favor a strategic 'adoption' of the Interspace by the Kremlin, a former imperial master. At the same time, a relative marginalization of the Interspace is evident regarding the processes of Euro-Atlantic integration. After the unsuccessful attempts of 'pulling out' Kiev, Kishinev, and the South Caucasian Tbilisi from this Russian sphere of influence, the states positioned in the Interspace, together with Russia, comprise a regional security complex, a stabilized geopolitical 'Russosphere' that is a key part of the Kremlin's attempts for Eurasian reintegration under Russia's leadership. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom radu razmatra se djelovanje Slavenskoga komiteta Hrvatske, kluba intelektualaca i umjetnika okupljenih u prvim godinama nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata radi promoviranja ideja slavenske uzajamnosti i bliskosti sa Sovjetskim Savezom. Sagledavajući njegov rad u uvjetima uspostave komunističke prevlasti i hladnoratovske polarizacije u Europi, autor će posebno analizirati propagandu Slavenskoga komiteta o Sovjetskom Savezu i veličanje staljinističkoga modela upravljanja društvom. ; Public advocacy of Slavic mutuality and solidarity was an essential component of Soviet 'soft power' in the 1940s war-torn Europe. Being conceptualised by Stalin's government in order to strengthen influence over occupied Eastern Europe, it was driven by a propaganda abundant with national liberation, anti-fascism, social equality and democratisation traits, while warily covering up its communist agenda under a non-revolutionary facade. In postwar Croatia, Slavic consonance was particularly propagandised by the Slavic Committee of Croatia (dependent on the Slavic Committee of Yugoslavia), a para-political learned society whose mission was heavily influenced by both the ongoing Communist revolutionary ideologisation and the escalating Cold War polarisation. Lackeyed by the Yugoslav Communist Party, the Committee commended propaganda efforts that had already been carried out to perpetrate the aestheticisation and glorification of the Soviet Union, through painting its adversaries as enemies of peace and democracy, imperialist war-mongers, servants of capitalists, etc. The Committee was eager to conduct a ruthless defamation of Western democracy and pluralism, in order to heap praise on the Soviets. Considering the fact that the Committee was established in 1946 as an instrument intended to spread the political influence of the USSR, its existence closely followed the dynamics of Soviet-Yugoslav relations, so it disappeared shortly after the Tito-Stalin split in 1948.

U radu se propituje i analizira utjecaj terorističkih napada na oblikovanje protuterorističke politike EU-a. Provedeno istraživanje uključuje kvalitativnu analizu sadržaja primarnih izvora EU-a u recentnom razdoblju (2015. – 2016.). Rezultati ukazuju na pomicanje protuterorističke politike EU-a na kontinuumu od "mekog" prema "tvrdom" obliku moći ubrzanim donošenjem sve restriktivnijih sigurnosnih mjera. Pokazalo se također kako egzogene krize manifestirane počinjenim terorističkim napadima na tlu EU-a u značajnoj mjeri utječu na endogeni institucionalni razvoj EU-a, koji je primarno fokusiran na rješavanje posljedica, a u manjoj mjeri na etiologiju nastanka i razvoja radikalizacije i terorističkog djelovanja. Rad pridonosi razumijevanju političkih odluka i institucionalnih promjena koje utječu na razvoj protuterorističkog prostora u EU. ; This paper examines and analyses the impact of terrorist attacks on the formation of the EU counter-terrorism policy. The conducted research includes a qualitative content analysis of the EU primary sources in the recent period (2015 – 2016). The results indicate how the EU counter-terrorism policy moves on the continuum from "soft" toward "hard" power, where security measures are more restrictive than ever before. This research also demonstrates how exogenous crises manifested through terrorist attacks committed on the EU territory significantly affect the endogenous institutional development of the EU, which is primarily focused on dealing with terrorism-related consequences and to a lesser extent with the aetiology of the origin and development of radicalization and terrorism. This paper contributes to the understanding of the political decision-making and institutional changes that influence the development of the EU counter-terrorism area.