Suchergebnisse

This master's thesis aims to determine what elements of identity are emphasized by Lithuanian leaders in foreign policy discourse to expand their influence by instruments of soft power. The theoretical approach of constructivism allows to look at the efforts of Lithuania's soft power through normative analysis, including identity elements, values and norms. The object of this work is rhetoric of Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaitė and rhetoric of Lithuanian President Gitanas Nausėda. Research covers two periods. The first period is the whole year of 2013 and the second research period starts from April 1, 2019 and ends on April 1, 2020. To achieve the main purpose the following tasks were formulated: 1. To define the efforts of small states to exploit their soft power by distinguishing applied tools; 2. To evaluate identity as a specific instrument of soft power based on the assumptions of constructivist theories; 3. To define Lithuanian identity frames that will be used for the research based on already performed researches; 4. To determine which identity elements and symbols Lithuanian leaders apply to exploit soft power. In order to identify which identity elements Lithuanian leaders apply to exploit soft power the method of qualitative content analysis was chosen. Official speeches, interviews and statements were analyzed in order to determine how Lithuanian identity symbols are revealed. It was discovered that active and cooperative role of Lithuanian identity in the International Relations are mostly declared. It is used to expand the soft power to increase and strengthen its influence and ensuring the security of Lithuania. The analysis revealed an active identity of the state, but elements of passivity were found. Gitanas Nausėda emphasizes that Lithuania is waiting for "historical justice", but does not use identity as a tool of soft power to achieve its goal. Although fragmented efforts are declared, president's rhetoric lacks activity and does not show his own involvement as a foreign policy maker. The analysis revealed the influence of the political leader on Lithuanian identity frames formation. It was discovered that during the presidency of Dalia Grybauskaitė, the identity features of leadership, minority, European values and defense/security became apparent and revealed active, cooperative and mediating characteristics of identity. The identity frames in rhetoric of Dalia Grybauskaitė are purposefully designed to expand Lithuanian soft power: to increase the visibility of the state, to expand the defense capabilities, to reduce Russia's influence in the region. The first half of Gitanas Nausėda presidency showed the emerging features of Lithuania as a continuator of European Union practices and historical memory features. Following the path indicated by the EU can help to develop the soft power purposefully for establishing Lithuania in the field of green energy. On the other hand, the development of historical narrative remains passive, without specific directions for the development of soft power in foreign policy. The analysis revealed that both Lithuanian presidents declare soft power possibilities in a similar way and respond to both internal and external circumstances. However, as political leaders change, identity as a social construct also changes.

This master's thesis aims to determine what elements of identity are emphasized by Lithuanian leaders in foreign policy discourse to expand their influence by instruments of soft power. The theoretical approach of constructivism allows to look at the efforts of Lithuania's soft power through normative analysis, including identity elements, values and norms. The object of this work is rhetoric of Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaitė and rhetoric of Lithuanian President Gitanas Nausėda. Research covers two periods. The first period is the whole year of 2013 and the second research period starts from April 1, 2019 and ends on April 1, 2020. To achieve the main purpose the following tasks were formulated: 1. To define the efforts of small states to exploit their soft power by distinguishing applied tools; 2. To evaluate identity as a specific instrument of soft power based on the assumptions of constructivist theories; 3. To define Lithuanian identity frames that will be used for the research based on already performed researches; 4. To determine which identity elements and symbols Lithuanian leaders apply to exploit soft power. In order to identify which identity elements Lithuanian leaders apply to exploit soft power the method of qualitative content analysis was chosen. Official speeches, interviews and statements were analyzed in order to determine how Lithuanian identity symbols are revealed. It was discovered that active and cooperative role of Lithuanian identity in the International Relations are mostly declared. It is used to expand the soft power to increase and strengthen its influence and ensuring the security of Lithuania. The analysis revealed an active identity of the state, but elements of passivity were found. Gitanas Nausėda emphasizes that Lithuania is waiting for "historical justice", but does not use identity as a tool of soft power to achieve its goal. Although fragmented efforts are declared, president's rhetoric lacks activity and does not show his own involvement as a foreign policy maker. The analysis revealed the influence of the political leader on Lithuanian identity frames formation. It was discovered that during the presidency of Dalia Grybauskaitė, the identity features of leadership, minority, European values and defense/security became apparent and revealed active, cooperative and mediating characteristics of identity. The identity frames in rhetoric of Dalia Grybauskaitė are purposefully designed to expand Lithuanian soft power: to increase the visibility of the state, to expand the defense capabilities, to reduce Russia's influence in the region. The first half of Gitanas Nausėda presidency showed the emerging features of Lithuania as a continuator of European Union practices and historical memory features. Following the path indicated by the EU can help to develop the soft power purposefully for establishing Lithuania in the field of green energy. On the other hand, the development of historical narrative remains passive, without specific directions for the development of soft power in foreign policy. The analysis revealed that both Lithuanian presidents declare soft power possibilities in a similar way and respond to both internal and external circumstances. However, as political leaders change, identity as a social construct also changes.

This master's thesis aims to determine what elements of identity are emphasized by Lithuanian leaders in foreign policy discourse to expand their influence by instruments of soft power. The theoretical approach of constructivism allows to look at the efforts of Lithuania's soft power through normative analysis, including identity elements, values and norms. The object of this work is rhetoric of Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaitė and rhetoric of Lithuanian President Gitanas Nausėda. Research covers two periods. The first period is the whole year of 2013 and the second research period starts from April 1, 2019 and ends on April 1, 2020. To achieve the main purpose the following tasks were formulated: 1. To define the efforts of small states to exploit their soft power by distinguishing applied tools; 2. To evaluate identity as a specific instrument of soft power based on the assumptions of constructivist theories; 3. To define Lithuanian identity frames that will be used for the research based on already performed researches; 4. To determine which identity elements and symbols Lithuanian leaders apply to exploit soft power. In order to identify which identity elements Lithuanian leaders apply to exploit soft power the method of qualitative content analysis was chosen. Official speeches, interviews and statements were analyzed in order to determine how Lithuanian identity symbols are revealed. It was discovered that active and cooperative role of Lithuanian identity in the International Relations are mostly declared. It is used to expand the soft power to increase and strengthen its influence and ensuring the security of Lithuania. The analysis revealed an active identity of the state, but elements of passivity were found. Gitanas Nausėda emphasizes that Lithuania is waiting for "historical justice", but does not use identity as a tool of soft power to achieve its goal. Although fragmented efforts are declared, president's rhetoric lacks activity and does not show his own involvement as a foreign policy maker. The analysis revealed the influence of the political leader on Lithuanian identity frames formation. It was discovered that during the presidency of Dalia Grybauskaitė, the identity features of leadership, minority, European values and defense/security became apparent and revealed active, cooperative and mediating characteristics of identity. The identity frames in rhetoric of Dalia Grybauskaitė are purposefully designed to expand Lithuanian soft power: to increase the visibility of the state, to expand the defense capabilities, to reduce Russia's influence in the region. The first half of Gitanas Nausėda presidency showed the emerging features of Lithuania as a continuator of European Union practices and historical memory features. Following the path indicated by the EU can help to develop the soft power purposefully for establishing Lithuania in the field of green energy. On the other hand, the development of historical narrative remains passive, without specific directions for the development of soft power in foreign policy. The analysis revealed that both Lithuanian presidents declare soft power possibilities in a similar way and respond to both internal and external circumstances. However, as political leaders change, identity as a social construct also changes.

This master's thesis aims to determine what elements of identity are emphasized by Lithuanian leaders in foreign policy discourse to expand their influence by instruments of soft power. The theoretical approach of constructivism allows to look at the efforts of Lithuania's soft power through normative analysis, including identity elements, values and norms. The object of this work is rhetoric of Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaitė and rhetoric of Lithuanian President Gitanas Nausėda. Research covers two periods. The first period is the whole year of 2013 and the second research period starts from April 1, 2019 and ends on April 1, 2020. To achieve the main purpose the following tasks were formulated: 1. To define the efforts of small states to exploit their soft power by distinguishing applied tools; 2. To evaluate identity as a specific instrument of soft power based on the assumptions of constructivist theories; 3. To define Lithuanian identity frames that will be used for the research based on already performed researches; 4. To determine which identity elements and symbols Lithuanian leaders apply to exploit soft power. In order to identify which identity elements Lithuanian leaders apply to exploit soft power the method of qualitative content analysis was chosen. Official speeches, interviews and statements were analyzed in order to determine how Lithuanian identity symbols are revealed. It was discovered that active and cooperative role of Lithuanian identity in the International Relations are mostly declared. It is used to expand the soft power to increase and strengthen its influence and ensuring the security of Lithuania. The analysis revealed an active identity of the state, but elements of passivity were found. Gitanas Nausėda emphasizes that Lithuania is waiting for "historical justice", but does not use identity as a tool of soft power to achieve its goal. Although fragmented efforts are declared, president's rhetoric lacks activity and does not show his own involvement as a foreign policy maker. The analysis revealed the influence of the political leader on Lithuanian identity frames formation. It was discovered that during the presidency of Dalia Grybauskaitė, the identity features of leadership, minority, European values and defense/security became apparent and revealed active, cooperative and mediating characteristics of identity. The identity frames in rhetoric of Dalia Grybauskaitė are purposefully designed to expand Lithuanian soft power: to increase the visibility of the state, to expand the defense capabilities, to reduce Russia's influence in the region. The first half of Gitanas Nausėda presidency showed the emerging features of Lithuania as a continuator of European Union practices and historical memory features. Following the path indicated by the EU can help to develop the soft power purposefully for establishing Lithuania in the field of green energy. On the other hand, the development of historical narrative remains passive, without specific directions for the development of soft power in foreign policy. The analysis revealed that both Lithuanian presidents declare soft power possibilities in a similar way and respond to both internal and external circumstances. However, as political leaders change, identity as a social construct also changes.

Lithuania has been a target of Russia's soft power efforts for the past two decades. The aim of this article is to analyse Russia's soft power influence possibilities in Lithuania. First, it analyzes how soft power is interpreted in Russia compared to the Western conception. Then, Russia's soft power instruments and their core goals are reviewed, not all of which fall under the category of "soft power instruments" according to the Western understanding. The article proceeds with demographic changes in Lithuania and trends of consumption of Russian culture and information in Lithuania. The main argument is that Russia is not aiming to apply soft power to the general Lithuanian society but to particular groups within the population (Russophone minorities and residents with sentiments for the Soviet Union). It can be assumed that demographic trends and Russia's aggressive actions will increasingly limit its soft power capabilities. However, the greatest setback to Russia's soft power in Lithuania is arguably caused by its continuing reliance on hard power when it comes to countries of the post-Soviet space.

Lithuania has been a target of Russia's soft power efforts for the past two decades. The aim of this article is to analyse Russia's soft power influence possibilities in Lithuania. First, it analyzes how soft power is interpreted in Russia compared to the Western conception. Then, Russia's soft power instruments and their core goals are reviewed, not all of which fall under the category of "soft power instruments" according to the Western understanding. The article proceeds with demographic changes in Lithuania and trends of consumption of Russian culture and information in Lithuania. The main argument is that Russia is not aiming to apply soft power to the general Lithuanian society but to particular groups within the population (Russophone minorities and residents with sentiments for the Soviet Union). It can be assumed that demographic trends and Russia's aggressive actions will increasingly limit its soft power capabilities. However, the greatest setback to Russia's soft power in Lithuania is arguably caused by its continuing reliance on hard power when it comes to countries of the post-Soviet space.

Lithuania has been a target of Russia's soft power efforts for the past two decades. The aim of this article is to analyse Russia's soft power influence possibilities in Lithuania. First, it analyzes how soft power is interpreted in Russia compared to the Western conception. Then, Russia's soft power instruments and their core goals are reviewed, not all of which fall under the category of "soft power instruments" according to the Western understanding. The article proceeds with demographic changes in Lithuania and trends of consumption of Russian culture and information in Lithuania. The main argument is that Russia is not aiming to apply soft power to the general Lithuanian society but to particular groups within the population (Russophone minorities and residents with sentiments for the Soviet Union). It can be assumed that demographic trends and Russia's aggressive actions will increasingly limit its soft power capabilities. However, the greatest setback to Russia's soft power in Lithuania is arguably caused by its continuing reliance on hard power when it comes to countries of the post-Soviet space.

This dissertation aims at refining the concept of soft power in theoretical rigour, as well as proposing at least one way to operationalize it. In order to do so, Anthony Giddens's theory of structuration is employed. A general thesis of this dissertation is that EU enlargement process encompasses a structure of differentiated social roles which translates into soft power relations among actors fulfilling these roles; yet the power structure itself endures only so long as the particular actors involved in this process behave according to their role prescriptions. Admission of new members to the Union is treated as a social institution (an institutionalized process), involving rules and constraining member states and candidates alike. After an in-depth analysis of Turkish accession to the EU, a conclusion is made that normally candidates – even such ostentatious candidates like Turkey – do acknowledge the right of actors on the EU side to assign concrete tasks for them that are compatible with the "objective" and "reasonable" standards of membership, and their own duty to implement them. Yet they also believe that the members have a moral obligation to reward such compliance with eventual recognition of full membership. Thus an increase or a decrease in soft power is visibly dependent on the EU's willingness to play by institutional rules, stick to the role prescriptions and not to abuse its power.

This dissertation aims at refining the concept of soft power in theoretical rigour, as well as proposing at least one way to operationalize it. In order to do so, Anthony Giddens's theory of structuration is employed. A general thesis of this dissertation is that EU enlargement process encompasses a structure of differentiated social roles which translates into soft power relations among actors fulfilling these roles; yet the power structure itself endures only so long as the particular actors involved in this process behave according to their role prescriptions. Admission of new members to the Union is treated as a social institution (an institutionalized process), involving rules and constraining member states and candidates alike. After an in-depth analysis of Turkish accession to the EU, a conclusion is made that normally candidates – even such ostentatious candidates like Turkey – do acknowledge the right of actors on the EU side to assign concrete tasks for them that are compatible with the "objective" and "reasonable" standards of membership, and their own duty to implement them. Yet they also believe that the members have a moral obligation to reward such compliance with eventual recognition of full membership. Thus an increase or a decrease in soft power is visibly dependent on the EU's willingness to play by institutional rules, stick to the role prescriptions and not to abuse its power.

This dissertation aims at refining the concept of soft power in theoretical rigour, as well as proposing at least one way to operationalize it. In order to do so, Anthony Giddens's theory of structuration is employed. A general thesis of this dissertation is that EU enlargement process encompasses a structure of differentiated social roles which translates into soft power relations among actors fulfilling these roles; yet the power structure itself endures only so long as the particular actors involved in this process behave according to their role prescriptions. Admission of new members to the Union is treated as a social institution (an institutionalized process), involving rules and constraining member states and candidates alike. After an in-depth analysis of Turkish accession to the EU, a conclusion is made that normally candidates – even such ostentatious candidates like Turkey – do acknowledge the right of actors on the EU side to assign concrete tasks for them that are compatible with the "objective" and "reasonable" standards of membership, and their own duty to implement them. Yet they also believe that the members have a moral obligation to reward such compliance with eventual recognition of full membership. Thus an increase or a decrease in soft power is visibly dependent on the EU's willingness to play by institutional rules, stick to the role prescriptions and not to abuse its power.

This dissertation aims at refining the concept of soft power in theoretical rigour, as well as proposing at least one way to operationalize it. In order to do so, Anthony Giddens's theory of structuration is employed. A general thesis of this dissertation is that EU enlargement process encompasses a structure of differentiated social roles which translates into soft power relations among actors fulfilling these roles; yet the power structure itself endures only so long as the particular actors involved in this process behave according to their role prescriptions. Admission of new members to the Union is treated as a social institution (an institutionalized process), involving rules and constraining member states and candidates alike. After an in-depth analysis of Turkish accession to the EU, a conclusion is made that normally candidates – even such ostentatious candidates like Turkey – do acknowledge the right of actors on the EU side to assign concrete tasks for them that are compatible with the "objective" and "reasonable" standards of membership, and their own duty to implement them. Yet they also believe that the members have a moral obligation to reward such compliance with eventual recognition of full membership. Thus an increase or a decrease in soft power is visibly dependent on the EU's willingness to play by institutional rules, stick to the role prescriptions and not to abuse its power.

This dissertation aims at refining the concept of soft power in theoretical rigour, as well as proposing at least one way to operationalize it. In order to do so, Anthony Giddens's theory of structuration is employed. A general thesis of this dissertation is that EU enlargement process encompasses a structure of differentiated social roles which translates into soft power relations among actors fulfilling these roles; yet the power structure itself endures only so long as the particular actors involved in this process behave according to their role prescriptions. Admission of new members to the Union is treated as a social institution (an institutionalized process), involving rules and constraining member states and candidates alike. After an in-depth analysis of Turkish accession to the EU, a conclusion is made that normally candidates – even such ostentatious candidates like Turkey – do acknowledge the right of actors on the EU side to assign concrete tasks for them that are compatible with the "objective" and "reasonable" standards of membership, and their own duty to implement them. Yet they also believe that the members have a moral obligation to reward such compliance with eventual recognition of full membership. Thus an increase or a decrease in soft power is visibly dependent on the EU's willingness to play by institutional rules, stick to the role prescriptions and not to abuse its power.

This dissertation aims at refining the concept of soft power in theoretical rigour, as well as proposing at least one way to operationalize it. In order to do so, Anthony Giddens's theory of structuration is employed. A general thesis of this dissertation is that EU enlargement process encompasses a structure of differentiated social roles which translates into soft power relations among actors fulfilling these roles; yet the power structure itself endures only so long as the particular actors involved in this process behave according to their role prescriptions. Admission of new members to the Union is treated as a social institution (an institutionalized process), involving rules and constraining member states and candidates alike. After an in-depth analysis of Turkish accession to the EU, a conclusion is made that normally candidates – even such ostentatious candidates like Turkey – do acknowledge the right of actors on the EU side to assign concrete tasks for them that are compatible with the "objective" and "reasonable" standards of membership, and their own duty to implement them. Yet they also believe that the members have a moral obligation to reward such compliance with eventual recognition of full membership. Thus an increase or a decrease in soft power is visibly dependent on the EU's willingness to play by institutional rules, stick to the role prescriptions and not to abuse its power.

Internet users using digital diplomacy techniques can generate state soft power on social networks through the promotion of traditional power resources – culture, values and behaviour. In this way, the digital dissemination of information by states becomes an instrument of their power policy. This article analyses the concept of digital diplomacy, the transformation of its characteristics and activities in the digital space. The text examines the interaction between digital diplomacy and soft power, also focuses on the European Union's digital diplomacy, which has become an important part of the EU's foreign policy. Due to the novelty of the topic and the lack of research in the public discourse, the article is relevant to research in order to find out what digital diplomacy methods the EU institutions, diplomats, individual Internet users are and how it forms the European information geopolitics.

Internet users using digital diplomacy techniques can generate state soft power on social networks through the promotion of traditional power resources – culture, values and behaviour. In this way, the digital dissemination of information by states becomes an instrument of their power policy. This article analyses the concept of digital diplomacy, the transformation of its characteristics and activities in the digital space. The text examines the interaction between digital diplomacy and soft power, also focuses on the European Union's digital diplomacy, which has become an important part of the EU's foreign policy. Due to the novelty of the topic and the lack of research in the public discourse, the article is relevant to research in order to find out what digital diplomacy methods the EU institutions, diplomats, individual Internet users are and how it forms the European information geopolitics.