Suchergebnisse

The objective of this article is to analyze the experiment of international education as an instrument of soft power in the foreign policy of Dilma`s Rousseff government. It will be analyzed the context of action of the Itamaraty and the new players that have come to have an important contribution to foreign policy. We conclude that the foreign policy of the Dilma`s government, even though it has used international education as one of its foreign policy instruments, failed to implement soft power with a clear intention in the strategic scope of international insertion of the country. ; El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el ensayo de la educación internacional como instrumento de soft power en la política exterior del gobierno Dilma Rousseff. Para ello se analizará el contexto de acción de Itamaraty y de los nuevos actores que pasaron a tener una importante contribución a la política exterior. Se concluye que la política exterior del gobierno Dilma aunque se utilizó de la educación internacional como uno de sus instrumentos de política exterior, no llegó a implementar el soft power con una intención clara en el ámbito estratégico de inserción internacional del país. ; O objetivo desse artigo é analisar o ensaio da educação internacional como instrumento de soft power na política externa do governo Dilma Rousseff. Para isso se analisará o contexto de ação do Itamaraty e dos novos atores que passaram a ter uma importante contribuição para a política externa. Conclui-se que a política externa do governo Dilma ainda que tenha se utilizado da educação internacional como um de seus instrumentos de política externa, não chegou a implementar o soft power com uma intenção clara no âmbito estratégico de inserção internacional do país.

This article addresses the way the work performed by the Brazilian Engineering Company (BRAENGCOY) produced the soft power needed to convert the action of the Brazilian troops at MINUSTAH into smart power. The study presents a profiling of the Brazilian military power deployed in the mission, represented by the security and stabilization forces, and the way that their actions contributed to show its hard power to the world. Following to this, it analyses BRAENGCOY's work, with a focus on those who had a direct impact on the Haitian population, which made it exceed its traditional role as a combat power multiplier agent to also became an attraction power producer, a soft power component. Lastly, it was performed an analysis of the engineering jobs characteristics which favored the soft power production, in order to allow the observation of the advantages of the deployment of engineering troops in peacekeeping missions for the attainment of the smart power synergic effect, by the blend of hard and soft power. ; Este artigo aborda a maneira pela qual o trabalho realizado pela Companhia de Engenharia de Forças de Paz (BRAENGCOY) brasileira resultou na geração do soft power necessário para que a atuação das tropas de paz brasileiras da MINUSTAH se convertesse em smart power. O estudo apresenta uma caracterização do poder militar do Brasil presente na missão, representado pelas forças de segurança e estabilização, e a forma pela qual a sua atuação contribuiu para demonstrar o hard power brasileiro para o mundo. Em seguida, analisa o trabalho realizado pela BRAENGCOY, com um enfoque naqueles que tiveram um impacto direto na população haitiana, o que fez com que ela ultrapassasse o seu papel tradicional de elemento multiplicador do poder de combate para se tornar também em gerador de poder de atração, característica do soft power. Por fim, foi realizada uma análise das características dos trabalhos realizados que favoreceram a geração do soft power, de forma a permitir a observação das vantagens do emprego de tropas de engenharia nas operações de paz para a obtenção do efeito sinérgico do smart power pela combinação de hard e soft power.

The foreign policy options of Brazil are limited in view of the superior hard power of the established great powers. Brazil's soft balancing strategy involves institutional strategies such as the formation of limited diplomatic coalitions or ententes, such as BRIC, to constrain the power of the established great powers. The BRIC states have been amongst the most powerful drivers of incremental change in world diplomacy & they benefit most from the connected global power shifts. In a global order shaped by great powers through international institutions, those players who effectively operate within them as innovators, coalition builders & spokesmen while preserving great amounts of sovereignty & independence have the potential to substantially influence the outcomes of future global politics. Adapted from the source document.

Turkey's role as a regional power has increased since Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power. AKP leadership not only aspired to become a regional power but also a global player. Turkey has, therefore, assumed different roles: the "natural leader" of the region; a historical "big brother;" and the "protector" of the Muslim minorities. Turkey has also assumed a "mediator" and a "facilitator" role by trying to negotiate a deal with an emerging power such as Brazil in order to attempt to resolve the controversial Iranian nuclear issue. By making use of recent developments, Turkey tried to solidify its long desired role as a "rising power" by increasing its influence in its neighborhood and engaging with other emerging powers. The concept "regional power" is a context-based notion. In other words, the location and geography are contesting and disputed approaches. Notwithstanding the fact that concepts such as "region" and "power" are social constructed reality, this paper analyzes the notion of 'regional power' as a subcategory of 'power'. In this context, this paper will make use of Stefan Schim's criteria while analyzing Turkey's power capacity in the region. Schim posits that the "regional power" needs to have a "role definition," and it should possess material power (hard power). It should also have economic as well as diplomatic and organizational capacity. Its power whether it is 'soft power' (attraction of ones idea's and or the ability to set the political agenda in a way that shapes the preferences of other actors) or 'hard power' (material power that can be measured-economic and military power) needs to be acknowledged by other actors in the region. It should also be accepted by great powers and emerging powers that are determinant in the international system. dditionally, the regional power (and/ or global power) needs to have leverage, thus its power projection needs to yield results. Kalevi Holsti's role theory will be used as theoretical framework to analyze foreign policy behavior of the AKP. The paper will, thus, seek to find out Turkey's roles.

The paper analyzes the modern aspects of "soft power" in modern international relations using the example of the festival student movement, which celebrated its 70th anniversary in 2017 in Sochi. Youth policy is an integral part of public policy both domestically and abroad. Soft power institutions are seen as integral tools of modern international politics. In the XX century, a special form of youth participation, or youth festivals, was formed. The paper uncovers the way of thinking, technique and substance of the World Festivals of Youth and Students, just as the highlights of their projects. Right up 'til the present time, work at celebrations assumes a significant part in accomplishing worldwide compassionate objectives, specifically, guaranteeing quiet life on our planet and the foundation of fair qualities. The fundamental way of thinking of the celebration is the standards of harmony, kinship of people groups, global solidarity, against radical and hostile to industrialist battle. The flame of the festival did not die out during the establishment of a unipolar world after the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and today is a symbol of the hope for a just and peaceful life on Earth. The 19th WFYS, which took place in 2017 on the Black Sea coast in the city of Sochi, was another example of the successful work of the World Federation of Democratic Youth on the dissemination of universal values and progressive ideas. ; El documento analiza los aspectos modernos del "poder blando" en las relaciones internacionales modernas utilizando el ejemplo del movimiento estudiantil del festival, que celebró su 70 aniversario en 2017 en Sochi. La política de juventud es una parte integral de la política pública tanto a nivel nacional como internacional. Las instituciones del poder blando se consideran herramientas integrales de la política internacional moderna. En el siglo XX, se formó una forma especial de participación juvenil, o festivales juveniles. La ponencia descubre la forma de pensar, la técnica y la sustancia de los Festivales Mundiales de la Juventud y los Estudiantes, así como los aspectos más destacados de sus proyectos. Hasta la actualidad, el trabajo en las celebraciones asume un papel importante en el logro de los objetivos compasivos en todo el mundo, específicamente, garantizar una vida tranquila en nuestro planeta y la base de las cualidades justas. La forma fundamental de pensar de la celebración son los estándares de armonía, parentesco de grupos étnicos, solidaridad global, frente a los radicales y hostiles a la batalla industrial. La llama del festival no se extinguió durante el establecimiento de un mundo unipolar después del colapso de la URSS en 1991 y hoy es un símbolo de la esperanza de una vida justa y pacífica en la Tierra. La XIX WFYS, que tuvo lugar en 2017 en la costa del Mar Negro en la ciudad de Sochi, fue otro ejemplo del trabajo exitoso de la Federación Mundial de Jóvenes Democráticos en la difusión de valores universales e ideas progresistas. ; O documento analisa os aspectos modernos do "soft power" nas relações internacionais modernas, usando o exemplo do movimento estudantil do festival, que celebrou seu 70º aniversário em 2017 em Sochi. A política da juventude é parte integrante das políticas públicas, tanto no país como no exterior. As instituições de "soft power" são vistas como ferramentas integrais da política internacional moderna. No século XX, uma forma especial de participação juvenil, ou festivais juvenis, foi formada. O documento revela a forma de pensar, técnica e substância dos Festivais Mundiais da Juventude e dos Estudantes, assim como os destaques de seus projetos. Até o presente, o trabalho nas celebrações assume um papel significativo na realização de objetivos de compaixão mundial, especificamente, garantindo uma vida tranqüila em nosso planeta e a fundação de qualidades justas. A forma fundamental de pensar da celebração são os padrões de harmonia, parentesco de grupos de pessoas, solidariedade global, contra a batalha radical e hostil aos industrialistas. A chama do festival não se apagou durante o estabelecimento de um mundo unipolar após o colapso da URSS em 1991 e hoje é um símbolo da esperança de uma vida justa e pacífica na Terra. O 19º WFYS, que aconteceu em 2017 na costa do Mar Negro, na cidade de Sochi, foi outro exemplo do trabalho bem sucedido da Federação Mundial da Juventude Democrática sobre a disseminação de valores universais e idéias progressistas.

The new paradigm in which the People's Republic of China is perceived (from weak & politically fragile to strong) & its growing soft power, in part due to the high rates of economic development, led to the general acceptance of its influence in the South. Perceived as a more convenient partner than the Western countries, China legitimates its presence in Africa & Latin America presenting its own development model, in which economic progress is not linked with political democratization. Using the slogan of South-South cooperation & replacing the so-called Western norms by others with "Chinese characteristics," as the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, Beijing challenges European & US interests in those regions. Adapted from the source document.

Neste artigo, nossos objetivos foram descrever o Programa Foreign Language Teaching Assistant da Comissão Fulbright e discutir como os bolsistas desse programa, os FLTAs, atuam como agentes de uma política linguística de difusão do português em instituições de ensino superior dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA). Para tanto, analisamos, a partir da concepção processual de política linguística de Johnson (2013), que coloca a agência como um dos elementos centrais na compreensão do fenômeno, dados documentais e entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas com alguns dos jovens professores brasileiros que são enviados para aquele país. Os resultados demonstram que o envio de jovens professores brasileiros para ensinar português nos EUA é parte de uma grande política externa que começou a ser implantada no final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, em uma tentativa do governo norte-americano de exercer o que tem sido entendido como soft power. Nas últimas 12 edições do programa, focalizadas neste trabalho, mais de 300 profissionais atuaram, de forma individual e coletiva, tanto dentro quanto fora de salas de aula em quase todos os estados norte-americanos como agentes de difusão do português brasileiro, mesmo, por vezes, encontrando restrições a suas atuações. ; This paper aimed to describe the language policy developed by The Fulbright Foreign Language Teaching Assistant Program (FLTA) and to discuss the agency of its fellows to the spread Brazilian Portuguese in higher education institutions in the USA. Based on the theoretical notion of language policy as a process (RICENTO; HORNBERGER, 1996; JOHNSON, 2013; JOHNSON; JOHNSON, 2015), we analyzed a corpora consisting of documentary data, information gathered through telephone calls and e-mails, and semi-structured interviews with members of the Fulbright Commission Brazil and former Brazilian FLTAs. This is a qualitative-interpretative study (LIN, 2015) of the texts-discourses that are part of the corpora. The results show the levels and the main agents that are part of this language policy – from the US government to the Brazilian teachers – as illustrated using the onion metaphor with concentric circles that indicate the several layers where these agents act. Results also found there is little formalization of a language policy education for foreign/additional languages by the FLTA Program. This makes the Brazilian FLTAs, who act sometimes collectively and sometimes individually, the main force to form a language policy to spread Brazilian Portuguese in the USA.