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В статье рассматривается роль языка как специфического инструмента «soft power» в контексте осуществления внешней политики. На примере Азербайджана анализируется потенциал использования иностранных языков (русского и английского) с целью продвижения национальных интересов на международной арене как внешними акторами, так и представителями государственных органов и гражданского общества Азербайджанской Республики. ; This article examines the role of the language as a specific tool of "soft power" in the context of realization of foreign policy. The potential of the use of foreign languages (Russian and English) for the promotion of the national interests in the international arena both by external actors and by the representatives of government and civil society has been analyzed in the example of Republic of Azerbaijan.

AbstractWhat has been dubbed "China's rise" has been met with trepidation or outright fear. The increasing economic and political power of the People's Republic of China (PRC) is often read as a harbinger of the West's imminent decline, and as a threat to a Western dominated global order. To match its growing 'hard' power, leaders in China have outlined intentions to cultivate the country's soft power, or its appeal and influence globally. These efforts too have been read in largely negative terms in a body of literature that has sprung up around Chinese soft power. Yet, these works tend to assume negative implications without being grounded in empirical research. The contributors to this issue were tasked with reconsidering China's soft power in the light of research which attends to the ideas and practices of its mediums – mediums such as the expansion of China's global media network, the opening of Confucius Institutes around the world, and the increasing presence of Chinese popular culture in global forums. This introduction, in particular, considers some of the lessons that considerations of Chinese soft power can learn from the field of global studies.

When people are asked the question, what is the source of Saudi Arabia's power, who would cite factors other than oil? This equation of Saudi power exclusively with its oil wealth is mistaken. Historically, a principal and the most consistent source of Saudi power at the domestic, regional and global levels has not been revenues from oil, but the cultural power that inheres in a nation that is both the capital of the Muslim and Arab worlds. This soft power accounts for as much, if not more, of Saudi influence than even oil itself. To a large extent, this power explains why Saudi Arabia has remained stout in the face of the shock waves of the Arab Spring. Saudi soft power also accounts for much of the leverage that the Kingdom enjoys in its region and the world at large. This article assesses the principal sources of Saudi Arabia's soft power, discusses the modern day international, regional and domestic challenges facing Saudi Arabia, and finally analyzes how Saudi soft power can effectively deal with those challenges.

Seit der Annexion der Krim und dem Beginn des Krieges im Donbass gehören die polnischen Politiker zu den schärfsten Kritikern der Außenpolitik des russischen Präsidenten Wladimir Putin. Daraus ergeben sich zwei Schlussfolgerungen. Erstens: Polen müsste sich eigentlich unter ständigem Beschuss durch die russische Desinformationsmaschinerie befinden, deren Ziel die Veränderung der öffentlichen Meinung über Russland ist. Zweitens scheint die polnische Öffentlichkeit den tatsächlichen Aktivitäten der russischen soft power besser als viele andere Länder Mittel- oder Westeuropas zu widerstehen. Abseits vom Mainstream bestehen allerdings zahlreiche Zirkel, die das Narrativ des Kreml in Polen verbreiten. Ein Teil von ihnen erhält dafür Geld, aber die Mehrheit der Personen macht hier kein finanzielles Interesse geltend, sondern folgt den eigenen ideologischen Beweggründen. Sie finden sich sowohl im Lager der extremen Rechten als auch der extremen Linken, doch es dominiert hier das rechte Lager.

Seit der Annexion der Krim und dem Beginn des Krieges im Donbass gehören die polnischen Politiker zu den schärfsten Kritikern der Außenpolitik des russischen Präsidenten Wladimir Putin. Daraus ergeben sich zwei Schlussfolgerungen. Erstens: Polen müsste sich eigentlich unter ständigem Beschuss durch die russische Desinformationsmaschinerie befinden, deren Ziel die Veränderung der öffentlichen Meinung über Russland ist. Zweitens scheint die polnische Öffentlichkeit den tatsächlichen Aktivitäten der russischen soft power besser als viele andere Länder Mittel- oder Westeuropas zu widerstehen. Abseits vom Mainstream bestehen allerdings zahlreiche Zirkel, die das Narrativ des Kreml in Polen verbreiten. Ein Teil von ihnen erhält dafür Geld, aber die Mehrheit der Personen macht hier kein finanzielles Interesse geltend, sondern folgt den eigenen ideologischen Beweggründen. Sie finden sich sowohl im Lager der extremen Rechten als auch der extremen Linken, doch es dominiert hier das rechte Lager.

The soft power of war : legitimacy and community in Iraq war discourses / Lilie Chouliaraki -- The language of neofeudal corporatism and the war on Iraq / Phil Graham and Allan Luke -- Blair's contribution to elaborating a new "doctrine of international community" / Norman Fairclough -- War rhetoric of a little ally : political implicatures and Aznar's legitimatization of the war in Iraq / Teun A. van Dijk -- The Iraq war as curricular knowledge : from the political to the pedagogic divide / Bessie Mitsikopoulou and Dimitris Koutsogiannis -- Computer games as political discourse : the case of Black Hawk down / David Machin and Theo van Leeuwen -- Spectacular ethics : on the television footage of the Iraq war / Lilie Chouliaraki

This article explores how Kyrgyz labor migrants in Russia view their host country's government and its influence in Kyrgyzstan, including through the Eurasian Economic Union. Results suggest that migrants have nuanced, pragmatic pro-Russian views. They understand Kyrgyzstan's dependency on Russia and admire the efficiency of Russia's government. Yet, they also disapprove of its high levels of corruption and of its disregard for individual rights. Our work contributes to the literature on the diffusion of norms through migration; it also sheds light on Russia's soft power in Central Asia at a time when rivalry with China is growing in the region.

This article pushes beyond hard power and soft power to insist on smart power, defined as the capacity of an actor to combine elements of hard power and soft power in ways that are mutually reinforcing such that the actor's purposes are advanced effectively and efficiently. It argues that advancing smart power has become a national security imperative, driven both by long-term structural changes in international conditions and by short-term failures of the current administration. The current debates over public diplomacy and soft power suffer from failures to address conceptual, institutional, and political dimensions of the challenge, three dimensions the author addresses in this article. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2008 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

This article explores the concepts of "soft power" and "cultural diplomacy" from both a theoretical perspective as well as thinking about how they manifest in practice. Britain is used as a case study to demonstrate how these terms have shifted in line with the advancement of neoliberal politics. Any belief in intercultural cooperation has been usurped by the notion of global competition, wholeheartedly embraced by market-oriented Western nations. As soft power relies on the resources of the State, its corporations, industries and institutions, wealthy nations will always have the monopoly. This article argues that at a time when power is shifting to the East and the Global South, culture remains one of the last enduring weapons through which traditionally powerful states attempt to resist or slow down the changing world order. Soft power becomes a means by which the existing hegemony is reimagined, repackaged, and reaffirmed.