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Sovereignty in premodern times evoked the dynastic figure of the 'sovereign' or territorial monarch. In modern times, it became a more abstract idea, referring to the power of the state, later of the people or 'the popular sovereign' as articulated and refined through constitutional arrangements. Today these inherited understandings of sovereignty confront various new challenges, including those of globalization, privatization of power, and the rise of sub-state nationalism. An examination of key historical writers and trends from the seventeenth century onwards, including Hobbes, Bodin, Constant, Rousseau and Schmitt, brings out these developments and challenges. Sovereignty remains a malleable and 'active' feature of the global configuration of power. Will sovereignty become a redundant concept over time, or will it remain a key part of the grammar of modern politics?

A review essay on books by (1) Michael Ross Fowler & Julie Marie Bunck, Law, Power, and the Sovereign State: The Evolution and Application of the Concept of Sovereignty (University Park: Pennsylvania State U Press, 1995); (2) Rodney Bruce Hall, National Collective Identity: Social Constructs and International Systems (New York, NY: Columbia U Press, 1999); & (3) Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton: Princeton U Press, 1999). Krasner, & Ross Fowler & Bunck together pose the deepest challenge yet to the assumption of sovereignty in international relations scholarship. Both claim not merely that state sovereignty is now compromised but also that it has always been severely truncated, violated, & curtailed. Both works contribute importantly to the field by amassing & cataloging formidable evidence of compromises of sovereignty. Yet by failing to provide a yardstick by which to compare these compromises with states' comparative respect for sovereignty, both works ultimately fail to sustain their thesis. Both also overlook the constitutive dimension of sovereignty, a dimension whose acknowledgment would render sovereignty far more stable than either admits. By contrast, a third work, Rodney Bruce Hall's National Collective Identity, commendably explores the constitutive role of sovereignty & applies it to the development of the nation-state system. The strengths & weaknesses of all three works help set an agenda for future scholarship on sovereignty. Adapted from the source document.

'Sacha (Jakutien), eine weit vom Zentrum gelegene Republik mit geringer Bevölkerungszahl und einer einseitigen Wirtschaftsstruktur, von der man auch in der ehemaligen Sowjetunion oft nur eine schwache Vorstellung hatte, rückt zu den sich äußerst dynamisch entwickelnden Regionen der Rußländischen Föderation (RF) auf. Die Republik Sacha (Jakutien) ist ein deutliches Beispiel für die neue Rolle der rußländischen Peripherie, die ihre Bedeutung für die RF erkannt hat und die sich dank der verkündeten Souveränität nicht nur im vollen Umfang in das 'Spiel' der neuen Realien eingeschaltet hat, sondern auch das ehrgeizige Ziel erklärt hat, in diesem Prozeß die Führung zu übernehmen. Das gestrige 'Aschenputtel' strebt danach, entsprechend seiner geopolitischen Lage und seinen reichen Naturschätzen einen gebührenden Platz in der rußländischen Gemeinschaft und in der Welt einzunehmen. In oft widersprüchlichen Einschätzungen und Prognosen rußländischer und ausländischer Analytiker erscheint Jakutien bald als stabile Region, die sich in der Mitte der Skala der Souveränitäten befindet und ihre souveränen Ansprüche nur im wirtschaftlichen Bereich realisiert. Sie wird sogar als mögliches Modell für die Zentrum-Peripherie-Beziehung angesehen. Bald wird sie zu jenen nationalstaatlichen Gebilden gezählt, die die volle Unabhängigkeit von der RF fordern können. In jedem Fall bleibt die politisch-ökonomische und nationale Souveränität, die heute in ihren Forderungen bedeutend gemäßigt ist, dennoch aktuell für die Republik und zeigt auf dem sibirischen Boden verschiedene Ausprägungen. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Dynamik der Entstehung und Entwicklung der jakutischen Souveränität und analysiert die gegenwärtigen politischen, ökonomischen und nationalen Probleme Jakutiens. Die Untersuchung stützt sich auf Publikationen offizieller Dokumente, auf Ergebnisse von soziologischen Umfragen, auf wissenschaftliche Literatur, Pressematerialien und Agenturmeldungen. Während eines vierwöchigen Aufenthalts im August 1996 in der Republik Sacha traf sich die Autorin mit Politikern, Wissenschaftlern und Führern nationaler Vereine.' (Autorenreferat)

Stephen Krasner'sSovereigntyand Michael Ross Fowler and Julie Marie Bunck'sLaw, Power, and the Sovereign Statetogether pose the deepest challenge yet to the assumption of sovereignty in international relations scholarship. Both claim not merely that state sovereignty is now compromised but also that it has always been severely truncated, violated, and curtailed. Both works contribute importantly to the field by amassing and cataloging formidable evidence of compromises of sovereignty. Yet by failing to provide a yardstick by which to compare these compromises with states' comparative respect for sovereignty, both works ultimately fail to sustain their thesis. Both also overlook the constitutive dimension of sovereignty, a dimension whose acknowledgment would render sovereignty far more stable than either admits. By contrast, a third work, Rodney Bruce Hall'sNational Collective Identity, commendably explores the constitutive role of sovereignty and applies it to the development of the nation-state system. The strengths and weaknesses of all three works help set an agenda for future scholarship on sovereignty.

This Cyber Defense Trend Analysis argues that while cyber sovereignty is regularly referenced in political, economic and legal discussions, the concept has no fixed definition. In response to this, as well as to highlight why using the term in the same way as strategic autonomy is a misnomer, our authors analyze references to cyber sovereignty in national cybersecurity strategies, current academic discussion and debates on sovereignty in other domains. Baezner and Robin also explore the similarly ill-defined concept of data sovereignty, outlining why control over data depends more on how it is stored than where.

The article argues that sovereignty in Australia is as yet incomplete, but that full sovereignty could be achieved through engagement with the indigenous Aboriginal 'first nations'. First, the inter-constitution of the concepts of sovereignty and politics is outlined. Then the unfinished character of sovereignty since white settlement is examined, indicating the default nature of the sovereignty settlement. The challenge arising from complex indigenous claims to sovereignty is then explored through two elements of a differend, or power differential, which has excluded indigenous peoples from meaningful recognition as political actors. The meaning of sovereignty in the broad field of indigenous claims is then analysed. Finally, a proposal for constitutional amendment is outlined, building both upon Aboriginal self-understandings as belonging to specific nations and groups and upon the logic of the history of white settlement. Constitutional revision which takes account of these histories provides an opportunity to extend the scope of the parties who are federated. Such a process could stimulate debate that generates a meaningful Australian sovereignty settlement identity for both indigenous and non-indigenous communities. Adapted from the source document.

Understanding that the "Congress of the Peoples" is a process of social and popular character that summons all those dynamics and processes of peoples, sectors and regions that are ready to undertake a legislative common construction for mandatar the future and the present of our country with a Latin-American and world perspective, the Magazine Kavilando assumes in this edition the commitment to facilitate the debate concerning the fight for the life, the territory, the water, the culture and the life deigns as a contribution in the way towards the construction of the autonomies and the popular sovereignty.

The article argues that sovereignty in Australia is as yet incomplete, but that full sovereignty could be achieved through engagement with the indigenous Aboriginal 'first nations'. First, the inter-constitution of the concepts of sovereignty and politics is outlined. Then the unfinished character of sovereignty since white settlement is examined, indicating the default nature of the sovereignty settlement. The challenge arising from complex indigenous claims to sovereignty is then explored through two elements of a differend, or power differential, which has excluded indigenous peoples from meaningful recognition as political actors. The meaning of sovereignty in the broad field of indigenous claims is then analysed. Finally, a proposal for constitutional amendment is outlined, building both upon Aboriginal self-understandings as belonging to specific nations and groups and upon the logic of the history of white settlement. Constitutional revision which takes account of these histories provides an opportunity to extend the scope of the parties who are federated. Such a process could stimulate debate that generates a meaningful Australian sovereignty settlement identity for both indigenous and non-indigenous communities.