Suchergebnisse

The paper shows some aspects of 'border identity' of the two Spanish cities-exclaves: Ceuta and Melilla. It analyses the multicultural dimensions of coexistence between Muslim (Moroccan) and Spanish populations. The article refers to some political, social and economic challenges: Moroccan revindication policy, growing number of Muslim communities, illegal migration, the phenomenon of violent radicalization inspired by the jihadi ideology etc. In this context, the paper focuses on the most important elements of 'the border identity' which are crucial to further the understanding of social problems in these cities. The methodological
analysis is based on the integration of historical and system methods as well as scientific research and investigation conducted in Spain. Regarding some integration and inclusion efforts there are still unsolved social and economic problems that may have infl uence on the coexistence of different ethnocultural communities in the future.

When analyzing the importance of Maghreb in Spain's foreign policy, attention should be paid to its geostrategic location, between Europe and Africa. This gives priority to southern Mediterranean countries. The historical experiences and socio-cultural pluralism (the clash of Christian and Muslim civilizations) are also important. The mutual economic relations deserve attention. Spain's relations with the Maghreb are often seen only through the prism of relations with Morocco. They can be described as so-called relación obcesiva. For decades, bilateral relations focused primarily on issues such as immigration, Spanish possessions in North Africa, and the issue of Western Sahara. The main goal for Spain was to stabilize not only Morocco but all of the Maghreb. The strategic importance of the region was due to its geographical proximity, economic and trade potential as well as cultural influences.

The objective scope of the article includes an analysis of the course and the results of the elections to the parliament in the Autonomous Communities of Galicia and the Basque Country, which took place on July 12, 2020. In Galicia, as the first of the Autonomous Communities, the Spanish government introduced the last phase related to restrictions during the coronavirus pandemic, the so-called 'nueva normalidad' (effective from June 15, 2020). This meant that elections in Galicia were held in zone 3 (the so-called green zone from June 8, 2020), in which the lowest level of restrictions was introduced. In the Basque Country, on the other hand, elections were originally scheduled for April 5, 2020. Due to the 'estado de alarma' (state of alert) in force from March 2020, the elections were postponed in both Autonomous Communities. During the analysis, attention was paid to voter turnout and the distribution of votes cast among individual political parties.