Suchergebnisse

Durante la Guerra Civil española, el País Valenciano fue una de las zonas más castigadas por los ataques aéreos llevados a cabo por el ejército rebelde en colaboración con sus aliados internacionales, Italia y Alemania. Especialmente destacadas fueron las incursiones perpetradas por la Regia Aeronautica, el ejército aéreo italiano. Desde un punto de vista documental, la importancia de estos ataques por parte de los italianos se encuentra en la disponibilidad de una serie de fotografías tomadas desde los aviones en el momento de las incursiones. Gracias a estas fotografías podemos profundizar en el conocimiento de los bombardeos a través de su contribución a aspectos y datos no incluidos en la documentación escrita. Esta documentación fotográfica hace que sea posible investigar ciertas características de las incursiones como la secuencia del ataque o los proyectiles lanzados, lo que permite una evaluación e interpretación de las razones de estos bombardeos. ; During the Spanish Civil War, Valencia was one of the hardest hit areas by the air raids of the rebel army supported by their international allies, Italy and Germany. The attacks carried out by the Regia Aeronautica -the Italian military air faction, were outstanding. From a documentary perspective, the importance of these attacks by the Italians lies in the production of a series of photographs taken from the airplanes during the raids. These images add to our understanding of the bombings as they contribute aspects and data ignored in the written reports. This photographic documentation makes it possible to investigate certain characteristics of the bombings, such as the attack intervals, or the nature of the dropped projectiles, allowing for the assessment and interpretation of the reasons for those bombings. ; El presente artículo se enmarca dentro del proyecto de investigación postdoctoral financiado por la Conselleria d'Educació, Investigació, Cultura i Esport de la Generalitat Valenciana (APOSTD/2015/028), que el autor desarrollada en el Cañada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies (London School of Economics, Londres) y en la Universidad de Alicante.

This article studies how Spanish cinema reflected the period of the Spanish political history wich goes from the end of Franco regime to the consolidation of democracy. The cinema of that time showed to a certain degree the complex political changes wich were talking place in the last year of Franquism, and their influence in Spanish society. Nevertheless, the transiton that our film industry was experiencing, along with the policy carried out in favor of more homogeneus and universal productions, placed a limit regarding a more fruitful and heterogeneus transcription of those events. ; Este artículo estudia cómo el cine español reflejó el periodo de la historia política que va desde el final del franquismo hasta la consolidación de la democracia. El cine de ese periodo reflejo de una manera u otra los complejos cambios que se estaban produciendo desde los últimos años del franquismo y su repercusión en la sociedad española. No obstante, tanto la propia transición que estaba experimentando nuesta cinematografía como la política desarrollada en favor de producciones más homogéneas y universales limitaron una transcripción de los acontecimientos más fructifera y heterogénea.

En Tonos digital: revista de estudios filológicos. Murcia (España) : Universidad de Murcia: Servicio de Publicaciones. N. 38 (en. 2020). e-ISSN 1577-6921. ; Este artículo se encuentra disponible en la siguiente URL: http://www.tonosdigital.es/ojs/index.php/tonos/article/view/2388/1108 ; En las últimas décadas se ha desarrollado un importante campo de investigación en el ámbito de las Ciencias Sociales y en el de las Humanidades en torno a la representación de la inmigración (y de sus actores principales) en los medios de comunicación. La cobertura mediática de las minorías, en este caso, de la inmigración, y de los temas relacionados con este debate social, supone un factor relevante de cómo la sociedad percibe a estas minorías. En el caso concreto de la inmigración, muchos estudios apuntan que el lenguaje empleado tiende a la generalización y que ello contribuye a la deshumanización de las personas inmigrantes, lo que afecta decisivamente a la manera en que las percibimos y nos relacionamos con ellas: el "otro" pierde su personalidad individual y pasa a denominarse "el sin papeles", "el extranjero". En el presente artículo se realiza un análisis de contenido del tratamiento mediático en España del traslado y desembarco de 629 personas migrantes rescatadas en el Mediterráneo por el barco Aquarius mediante el estudio de 1.303 piezas publicadas en una muestra de 27 diarios estatales y regionales entre el 12 y el 23 de junio de 2018. Los resultados muestran que el lenguaje utilizado fue propicio a la generalización y la deshumanización del acontecimiento, que tendía a concebirse y transmitirse como un hecho político y no como un acontecimiento vital para un conjunto muy significativo de personas. / In recent decades, an important field of research has been developed in the Social Sciences and Humanities around the representation of immigration (and its main actors) in the media. The media coverage of minorities, in this case, immigration, and issues related to this social debate is a relevant factor in how society perceives these minorities. Specifically in the case of immigration, many studies suggest that the language used tends to generalization and that this contributes to the dehumanization of the migrants persons, which decisively affects the way we perceive them and relate to them: the conceived as "other" loses his individual personality and becomes "The undocumented", "the foreigner". In the present article, acontent analysis of the media treatment in Spain of the transfer and disembarkation of 629 migrant people rescued in the Mediterranean by the Aquarius ship is made through the study of 1,303 pieces published in a sample of 27 state and regional newspapers between 12 and on June 23, 2018. The results show that the language used was conducive to the generalization and dehumanization of the event, which tended to be conceived and transmitted as a political event and not as a vital event for a very important group of people.

En Tonos digital: revista de estudios filológicos. Murcia (España) : Universidad de Murcia: Servicio de Publicaciones. N. 38 (en. 2020). e-ISSN 1577-6921. ; Este artículo se encuentra disponible en la siguiente URL: http://www.tonosdigital.es/ojs/index.php/tonos/article/view/2388/1108 ; En las últimas décadas se ha desarrollado un importante campo de investigación en el ámbito de las Ciencias Sociales y en el de las Humanidades en torno a la representación de la inmigración (y de sus actores principales) en los medios de comunicación. La cobertura mediática de las minorías, en este caso, de la inmigración, y de los temas relacionados con este debate social, supone un factor relevante de cómo la sociedad percibe a estas minorías. En el caso concreto de la inmigración, muchos estudios apuntan que el lenguaje empleado tiende a la generalización y que ello contribuye a la deshumanización de las personas inmigrantes, lo que afecta decisivamente a la manera en que las percibimos y nos relacionamos con ellas: el "otro" pierde su personalidad individual y pasa a denominarse "el sin papeles", "el extranjero". En el presente artículo se realiza un análisis de contenido del tratamiento mediático en España del traslado y desembarco de 629 personas migrantes rescatadas en el Mediterráneo por el barco Aquarius mediante el estudio de 1.303 piezas publicadas en una muestra de 27 diarios estatales y regionales entre el 12 y el 23 de junio de 2018. Los resultados muestran que el lenguaje utilizado fue propicio a la generalización y la deshumanización del acontecimiento, que tendía a concebirse y transmitirse como un hecho político y no como un acontecimiento vital para un conjunto muy significativo de personas. / In recent decades, an important field of research has been developed in the Social Sciences and Humanities around the representation of immigration (and its main actors) in the media. The media coverage of minorities, in this case, immigration, and issues related to this social debate is a relevant factor in how society perceives these minorities. Specifically in the case of immigration, many studies suggest that the language used tends to generalization and that this contributes to the dehumanization of the migrants persons, which decisively affects the way we perceive them and relate to them: the conceived as "other" loses his individual personality and becomes "The undocumented", "the foreigner". In the present article, acontent analysis of the media treatment in Spain of the transfer and disembarkation of 629 migrant people rescued in the Mediterranean by the Aquarius ship is made through the study of 1,303 pieces published in a sample of 27 state and regional newspapers between 12 and on June 23, 2018. The results show that the language used was conducive to the generalization and dehumanization of the event, which tended to be conceived and transmitted as a political event and not as a vital event for a very important group of people.

The article is based on research on the lack of access to official water services in the informal settlements of the city of Antofagasta, Chile. The work aims to respond 1) what alternative practices to access water are used by the population of these settlements, and 2) to what extent these practices help them to claim access to formal water services. Combining concepts from urban political ecology and citizenship studies and based on qualitative information from intensive field work carried out in Antofagasta in 2018, the article discusses the emergence of alternative arrangements to access water by the settlements' population and its relationship with the search for recognition of their basic rights to essential services and urban citizenship.

El principal objetivo de este trabajo es el de aportar información sobre las industrias de las algas en el Sáhara español durante el franquismo. Las algas constituyen un recurso natural más que la bibliografía sobre el Sáhara no ha recogido y por lo tanto existe un vacío sobre dicho tema. En el trabajo se han abordado unos antecedentes sobre esta industria en España y se ha incidido en enmarcar la industria de las algas en el Sáhara español en el desarrollo económico, político y social de la antigua colonia. Finalmente hemos comprobado cómo constituye un recurso económico más del territorio, que actualmente supone una industria millonaria a nivel mundial. ; The main objective of this work is to provide information about the algae industry in Spanish Sahara during the Franco period. Algae are one of the natural resources neglected by the bibliography of studies on the Sahara, and therefore there is a gap in knowledge on the subject. This article addresses the history of this industry in Spain and situates the Spanish Saharan algae industry within the economic, political and social development of the former colony. Finally, the article demonstrates how this is amongst the important economic resources of the territory, which currently represents a multimillion-worth industry at the global level. ; 340 ; 323 ; 18

National syndicalism was the political and socio-economic proposal of Spanish fascism that developed in Spain from 1931 through the work of Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, founder of the National Syndicalist Offensive Juntas. National syndicalism continued with the Spanish Falange of Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, and culminated in the regime of General Franco. The present paper studies the economic thinking of the founders of Spanish fascism and their influence on the formation of the early Franco regime. The paper is divided into three parts. The first part addresses the essential characteristics of Spanish fascism. The second part focuses on the economic and social thought of the ideologues of fascism in Spain. And the third part ends with an analysis of the economic and social role of the Spanish vertical syndicalism. ; El Nacional-Sindicalismo fue la propuesta política y económico-social del fascismo español que se desarrolla en España a partir de 1931 por obra de Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, fundador de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, continúa con Falange española de José Antonio Primo de Rivera y finaliza con el régimen del general Franco. El ensayo que presentamos estudia el pensamiento económico de los fundadores del fascismo español y su influencia en la formación del primer franquismo. El trabajo se estructura en tres partes, en la primera abordaremos las características esenciales del fascismo español; en segundo lugar nos centraremos en el pensamiento económico-social de los ideólogos del fascismo en España y terminaremos con el análisis del papel económico-social del sindicalismo vertical españolNational syndicalism was the political and socio-economic proposal of Spanish fascism that developed in Spain from 1931 through the work of Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, founder of the National Syndicalist Offensive Juntas. National syndicalism continued with the Spanish Falange of Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, and culminated in the regime of General Franco. The present paper studies the economic thinking of the founders of Spanish fascism and their influence on the formation of the early Franco regime. The paper is divided into three parts. The first part addresses the essential characteristics of Spanish fascism. The second part focuses on the economic and social thought of the ideologues of fascism in Spain. And the third part ends with an analysis of the economic and social role of the Spanish vertical syndicalism.

This work addresses the study of the changes in the role of women in Spanish society and combines an analytical perspective and an empirical and descriptive study of the most relevant facts and issues. This is why we first analyse the gender approach, a theoretical basis for much of the current studies on the role of women in society and the most recent strategy of gender equality policy in the European Union known as gender mainstreaming. Secondly, the situation of women in Spain during the Francoism and the Spanish feminist movement of late Franco Franco and the democratic transition are historical. Subsequently, the equal opportunities policies of the democratic period are studied with the creation of a new national and regional institutional framework, especially with the Institute of Women. To conclude, the results of these policies are assessed and the problems not yet resolved are referred to. ; Ce travail étudie les transformations du rôle de la femme dans la société espagnole. Dans la première partie, sont analysées la politique de genre et la stratégie du mainstreaming de genre. Dans un deuxième temps l'étude fait un parcours historique par la politique franquiste concernant le rôle attribué à la femme pour ensuite passer à l'histoire du mouvement féministe espagnol. La partie suivante est consacrée à la période constitutionnelle et démocratique qui offre un nouveau cadre institutionnel nationale et régionale pour la politique d'égalité de chances, notamment avec la création des Instituts de la Femme. En fin la dernière partie est consacrée à l'évaluation des résultats de ces politiques et aux problèmes que celles-ci n'ont pas encore résolu. ; This work addresses the study of the changes in the role of women in Spanish society and combines an analytical perspective and an empirical and descriptive study of the most relevant facts and issues. This is why we first analyse the gender approach, a theoretical basis for much of the current studies on the role of women in society and the most recent strategy ...

As an institution traditionally linked to the Catholic Church, the Spanish army customarily incorporated a number of priests, called military chaplains, responsible for providing religious services to service personnel. This changed, however, after the Republican regime became established and initiated a policy of secularization at all levels of Spanish society, including the army. This article takes the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic as its starting point to analyse –in the context of religious history– the changes with respect to the role of the clergy that occurred in the army as a consequence of the secularizing policies of the first two years of the Republic. At the same time, it analyses the changes that affected the members of the Church who were obliged to serve in the military like every other young Spanish male. This subject has received only cursory attention from the different academic disciplines, and few references to it exist, whether in the areas of law or military studies. Within the field of religious history itself, while the figure of the military chaplain is featured in some studies, the chronological bookends are different. Official journals from both the government and army provide the information necessary to identify and track the different measures implemented and evaluate their consequences. Additionally, diocese bulletins, congressional records and press reports were critical sources of information for the preparation of this study. In the short term, the proclamation of the Second Republic signified the dissolution of the Spanish army's ecclesiastic corps, with priests becoming responsible for providing services to the various regiments who appeared in their parishes. Moreover, most military chaplains were assigned non-active status or required to retire voluntarily. However, a third way presented itself, that of continuing to serve as active members of the army while relocating the archives of the military vicariate. At the same time, the members of the clergy who were ...

The following is a reflection on Spanish undergraduate studies that combine the concepts of marketing and public relations.
Sharing origins and often functions and specialists, both concepts have run parallel paths that have merged on multiple occasions. This evolution has been studied from different points of view. Initially, marketing experts included PR techniques as an additional tool to grant it a greater specific instrumental relevance over time. On the other hand, PR scholars have tried to dissociate themselves from marketing in order acquire an independent position within the field of communication.
In Spain, these conceptual differences are currently blurred due to the creation of new university degrees and double degrees combining both disciplines. This trend is evidenced within the Spanish university market which, throughout this article, will be compared to other markets, namely the American and the British ones, as a scientific reference for both concepts, and to the Portuguese one, given its geographical proximity.
We will reflect on the reasons that have led the Spanish university market to combine both concepts and to offer official studies that include them in their nomenclature, far from the historical tradition in this country, where studies in public relations have been related to the field of communication, while those in marketing have been related to the field of economics.
The identification of this trend in the job market of organisational communication professionals poses new challenges to training institutions, especially to universities.

La democracia no se asienta completamente en España hasta 1978, en contraste con muchos países de su entorno. Sin embargo, existieron en la España contemporánea importantes corrientes de pensamiento y fuerzas políticas que persiguieron su implantación. En este trabajo se defiende que en el republicanismo se encuentra el sustrato filosófico de la democracia en España, ya que fueron éstos sectores políticos y culturales quienes elaboraron, divulgaron e intentaron poner en práctica las doctrinas democráticas en la España contemporánea. El pensamiento republicano español se estudia aquí desde su nacimiento hacia 1840 hasta el gran trauma del exilio de 1939 ; Democracy was not established completely in Spain until 1978, in contrast with many of its neighbors. But in Spanish modern history we can find strong ideological and political movements that promoted a democratic society. This paper defends that republicanism formed the philosophical basis of Democracy in modern Spain, because its thinkers and organizations produced, popularized and fought to apply democratic doctrines there. This paper studies Spanish republicanism from its beginning in approximately 1840 until the great exile in 1939

Mientras que la etnografía política es una técnica crecientemente usada en el contexto internacional, ésta ha sido escasamente aprovechada por la Ciencia Política española. En este artículo, nos preguntamos, primero, qué lugar ocupa la etnografía en los estudios politológicos de nuestro país. Luego, indagamos en las causas de su posición marginal, siendo ésta una excepcionalidad en el escenario internacional. En segundo lugar, mostramos cómo la etnografía enriquecería y complementaría a otras técnicas como la entrevista en profundidad o la encuesta, introduciendo nuevos temas de investigación, nuevos casos para estudiar problemas politológicos clásicos, y nuevos datos que son descripciones densas de los fenómenos y procesos de cambio político. Como conclusión, apostamos por la incorporación plena de la etnografía a la Ciencia Política española como medio para profundizar en el conocimiento de la cultura y los principales procesos políticos. ; Political ethnography is a methodological approach increasingly used in the international Political Science; however, it has been used scarcely in the Spanish Political Science. In this article, we question, first, the place of ethnography in political studies in the country. We explore the causes of ethnography's marginal position. Second, we show how this methodological approach can enrich and complement current political studies, introducing new research topics, new cases on classical problems, and new evidence. Beyond rigid disciplinary boundaries, we propose the full incorporation of ethnography into the Spanish Political Science in order to take advantage of the strengths of this approach.

During the past half century, the study of social contention has been characterized by a division between research on labor movements and studies on other social movements. This division also left its mark on the study of modes of action: while labor scholars mainly examined strikes, social movement scholars have increasingly come to focus on street protests. This article is a contribution to bridging the gap between the two research areas both on theoretical and empirical levels. On a theoretical level, I discuss the usefulness of combining economic and political models of contention from the two research areas. On an empirical level, I use official data provided by Spanish ministries to examine and relate the workers' use of strikes and street protests between 2000 and 2016 in Spain. Examining strikes and street protests jointly does not only provide a fuller picture, it also helps to discern contrasts and thus the specificities of each mode of action. ; During the past half century, the study of social contention has been characterized by a division between research on labor movements and studies on other social movements. This division also left its mark on the study of modes of action: while labor scholars mainly examined strikes, social movement scholars have increasingly come to focus on street protests. This article is a contribution to bridging the gap between the two research areas both on theoretical and empirical levels. On a theoretical level, I discuss the usefulness of combining economic and political models of contention from the two research areas. On an empirical level, I use official data provided by Spanish ministries to examine and relate the workers' use of strikes and street protests between 2000 and 2016 in Spain. Examining strikes and street protests jointly does not only provide a fuller picture, it also helps to discern contrasts and thus the specificities of each mode of action. En el último medio siglo, los estudios del conflicto social se han caracterizado por una separación entre investigaciones sobre movimientos laborales y estudios sobre otros movimientos sociales. Esta división también dejó su marca en el estudio de los modos de acción: mientras que las sociólogas y los sociólogos del trabajo examinaban principalmente las huelgas, las y los especialistas en movimientos sociales se han centrado cada vez más en las protestas callejeras. Este artículo es una contribución para cerrar la brecha entre las dos áreas de investigación tanto a nivel teórico como empírico. A nivel teórico, se discute la utilidad de combinar modelos económicos y políticos del conflicto social de las dos áreas de investigación. A nivel empírico, se utilizan datos oficiales proporcionados por ministerios españoles para examinar y relacionar el uso de huelgas y manifestaciones callejeras por parte de los trabajadores entre 2000 y 2016 en España. El examen combinado de las huelgas y las protestas callejeras no sólo proporciona una imagen más completa, sino que también ayuda a discernir los contrastes y, por lo tanto, las particularidades de cada modo de acción.