Suchergebnisse

Als kaiserlicher Statthalter von Innerösterreich am Höhepunkt seines gesellschaftlichen und politischen Aufstiegs angelangt, beauftragte Fürst Hans Ulrich von Eggenberg 1625 eine neue Residenz im Westen von Graz. Die Ansprüche an Architektur und Raumkonzept waren vielschichtig. Gemeinsam mit dem Architekten, Giovanni Pietro de Pomis, beschritt Hans Ulrich architektonisches Neuland. Schloss Eggenberg ist der Versuch, unter Berücksichtig formaler, ikonographischer und zeremonieller Aspekte neue Standards für die Residenzarchitektur in den Erblanden zu setzen.Der hier etablierte und habsburgisch/kaiserlich konnotierte "alte" Kastelltypus wurde mit Schloss Eggenberg erstmals weiterentwickelt. Die bewussten Bezüge zur Residenzarchitektur der Habsburger Höfe in Wien, Madrid und den spanischen Niederlanden demonstrieren die Zugehörigkeit des Auftraggebers zur katholisch-spanischen Partei am Kaiserhof. Hans Ulrich diente die neue Residenz als Legitimation für die Herrschaft des neuen Fürstenhauses und Demonstration seiner Nähe zum Kaiser. Das Schloss steht gleichzeitig für die Repräsentation des Kaisers und der Casa de Austria in Innerösterreich. Diesen zweifachen Anspruch der Architektur mit Verweisen auf kaiserliche und familiäre Ikonographie spiegelt auch das Raumprogramm im Inneren wider. Die großen Suiten in den beiden Obergeschossen waren sowohl auf kaiserliche als auch auf fürstliche Repräsentation ausgelegt und boten auch im europäischen Vergleich beispiellos viel zeremoniellen Raum. Funktion und Nutzung von Eggenberg veränderten sich zwar im 17. und 18. Jh., doch die ursprüngliche Architektur blieb als sichtbares Zeichen für den Rang der Familie bewusst erhalten. Das frühe Aussterben der Fürsten Eggenberg im 18. Jh. verhinderte schließlich größere Umbauten. Schloss Eggenberg kann daher aufgrund seiner Architektur und authentischen Raumdisposition aus dem 17. Jh. als rares und kostbares Beispiel für eine noch intakte Residenz des frühen Barock gelten. ; Having reached the zenith of his social and political ascendency as imperial governor of Inner Austria, Prince Hans Ulrich von Eggenberg commissioned a new residence to be built to the west of Graz in 1625. He pursued highly complex ideas for the architecture and spatial concept. Together with his architect, Giovanni Pietro de Pomis, Hans Ulrich broke new architectural ground. Schloss Eggenberg represents the attempt to set new formal, iconographic and ceremonial standards for residence architecture in the Hereditary Lands.For the very first time, Schloss Eggenberg offered a further development of the "old" quadrangular castle established here with its Habsburg/imperial connotations. Deliberate references to the residence architecture of the Habsburg courts in Vienna, Madrid and the Spanish Netherlands point to the affiliation of the client to the Catholic-Spanish faction at the imperial court. For Hans Ulrich, his new residence was intended to legitimise the rule of the new princely house and demonstrate his closeness to the Emperor. At the same time, the Schloss aimed to bolster the prestige of the Emperor and the Casa de Austria in Inner Austria. This dual aspiration of the architecture, with its references to imperial and familial iconography, is further reflected in the interior design. Created for the purposes of imperial and princely representation, the large suites on the two upper floors offered an unprecedented amount of ceremonial space in European terms. Although the function and use of Schloss Eggenberg changed in the 17th and 18th century, the original architecture was deliberately preserved as a visible sign of the familys status. The early demise of the Eggenberg princes in the 18th century eventually prevented major conversion work. Schloss Eggenberg can therefore be regarded as a rare and precious example of a still intact residence of the early Baroque period due to its architecture and authentic spatial disposition dating back to the 17th century. ; eingereicht von Mag. Paul Schuster ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Zusammenfassungen auf Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Dissertation, 2020 ; OeBB ; (VLID)5749708

Abstract
Between 1974 and 1977, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español) (PSOE) went from a weak and fragmented organization to become the second most voted for party. At a time when international solidarity among socialist parties was common, and when the globalization process was becoming increasingly apparent, transnational influences and support played a crucial role in the PSOE's remarkable political growth. Nevertheless, most scholars define the Spanish transition to democracy and its internal developments, which include the PSOE's rise, as a successful self-made product. Only Pilar Ortuño, and more recently Juan Carlos Pereira, have conducted in-depth research into international influences as a key factor in this process. The objective of this article is twofold: to assess the role of the British Labour Movement in the development of the PSOE and its syndicate, the Workers' General Union (Unión General de Trabajadores) (UGT), and to determine to what extent the Labour Movement was responsible for the impressive political growth of the PSOE. In this sense, this article seeks to move beyond and expand on the studies of Ortuño and Pereira by including the role of the British Labour Government in the PSOE's political rise.

In the last decades, interest in the study of the negative consequences of bullying for the victims has increased. Victims are often known to show emotional adjustment issues, such as negative self-concept and low life satisfaction. Moreover, some studies have observed important associations between self-concept and life satisfaction, in which a positive self-concept is related to high levels of life satisfaction. Other studies have pointed out the importance of emotional intelligence (EI), as a regulatory and protective factor against the negative impact of victimization on adjustment in adolescents. The main objective of this work was to analyze the mediating effect of self-concept on life satisfaction and the moderated mediation effect of EI on self-concept and life satisfaction in the context of peer victimization. The participants in the study were 1,318 Spanish students of both sexes and aged between 11 and 18 (M = 13.8, SD = 1.32) years, from four compulsory secondary education centers. The results indicated that, on the one hand, self-concept mediated the relationship between victimization and life satisfaction. On the other hand, EI was not only positively associated with self-concept, but it also significantly moderated the negative influence of victimization on self-concept. EI may also indirectly moderate the relationship between victimization and life satisfaction through the self-concept. These data show the importance of EI as a possible protective and moderating factor of the negative effect of bullying on emotional adjustment, which is interesting for the design of future prevention and intervention programs in school contexts. ; This research was funded by the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness of Spain and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund—FEDER—"One way to make Europe," grant number PID2019-109442RB-I00, with EE as the Principal Researcher.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship between corporate governance and cost of equity capital for a set of Spanish firms.Design/methodology/approachThe paper focuses on five board characteristics that have received widespread attention in corporate governance literature (board independence, board size, existence of both audit and nomination/remuneration committees, CEO duality, and independence of board committees) in order to construct a summary corporate governance measure for each firm. Then, by using regression analysis, it examines whether higher governance quality is associated with a lower cost of equity capital.FindingsThe results show that stronger governance firms have a lower cost of equity capital with respect to firms with weaker governance, even after controlling for differences in Fama and French's risk factors (i.e. beta, size and market‐to‐book).Research limitations/implicationsThe dependent variable, i.e. the cost of equity capital, is an unobservable measure and, as such, it has to be estimated. Therefore, the results can be sensitive to the estimation method chosen.Practical implicationsThere is a growing literature showing that corporate governance enhances firm valuation. However, these studies typically assume that corporate governance affects firm valuation by reducing expropriation by insiders and improving the expected cash flows that can be distributed to shareholders. Whether those mechanisms also affect the other determinant of firm value – i.e. the cost of equity capital – remains largely unknown. Moreover, there is no evidence of this issue for the case of Spain.Originality/valueIt is hoped that the results from the paper will provide additional information concerning corporate governance to interested parties.

This chapter aims to analyse feminist resistances to persuasion in visual discourse and to dissect several case studies in fiction and non-fiction Spanish films in order to highlight what we consider to be practices of feminist counter-visuality. Our theoretical genealogy starts with Adrienne Rich's and Judith Fetterley's claims for re-viewing and resisting readership. We then move from textual transgressions to the urge for visual transgressions expressed by feminist film theorists and practitioners. After discussing a classical example of persuasive visual discourse, Alfred Hitchcock's Psycho, and two instances of transgressive gazing by well-known feminist filmmakers Sally Potter and Jane Campion, we bring our argument to recent Spanish fiction and non-fiction cinema and close-read scenes from seven case studies as a basis to exploring how the alternative film discourses represented within them can operate as technologies of social response-ability and accountability in face of the challenges present in the current feminist agenda in Spain.

CATHOLICISM, WAR AND THE FOUNDATION OF FRANCOISM: THE JUVENTUD DE ACCIÓN POPULAR IN SPAIN 1931-1939, SID LOWE (2010) Eastbourne, Portland and Ontario: Sussex Academic Press (in association with the Cañada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies), 332 pp., ISBN 978-1-84519-373-7
(hbk), £55

Abstract
One consistent strategy of Spain's European policy has been bilateralism, that is to say, the development of intense relationships with certain other member states in order to gain influence in decisions regarding the process of European integration. In addition, finding allies has proven essential for the success of Spanish proposals in the European Union (EU), especially during the four Spanish presidencies of the Council of the EU. In this sense, successive Spanish governments have promoted a bilateral rapprochement with the EU's large member states (France, Germany, Italy and secondarily the United Kingdom) through regular meetings with their governmental leaders. One of the fields where Spain's bilateralist strategy has been more active is European foreign policy, which has become a privileged sphere for the analysis of the power of states within the EU. This article will look at the four Spanish experiences of holding the rotating presidency of the EU Council and compare the different bilateral strategies developed by each Prime Minister in office.

Since the 1920s, when scholars first began to specialize in Latin American writing, the subject of Latin American literary studies has grown from a small subset of Spanish and Portuguese literary research and teaching to become the largest field within Hispanism and a significant presence in comparative literature. The expansion of their place in the academic world has often prompted students of Latin American literature to wonder whether, in being swept into the mainstream, their field has not left out of account the historical situations of Latin American nations. These reflections lead critics back to a problem that has troubled Latin American thinkers since Independence: the achievement, or erosion, of cultural autonomy. Though undeniably close to major powers, the Latin American nations are unequal partners in trade and cultural exchange. Corresponding to their uneven and shifting relations with Europe and later the United States, their cultural life evolves following a distinctive historical dynamic. This article considers recent efforts by scholars and essayists to characterize the features that distinguish Latin America from more politically and economically advantaged nations. Special attention goes to those scholars who, drawing on anthropological research, examine communicative and expressive practices of indigenous origin, and those who borrow from economic theory to view Latin America as shaped by its history of dependence on more powerful nations and regions.

AbstractThis paper analyses the alternation between complement clauses with and without complementizer (syndetic and asyndetic), in historical Spanish (15th–18th century). While previous studies have shown that this syntactic alternation was regulated by the degree of integration of the clauses, its stylistic distribution is understudied. In this paper we investigate whether the syndetic/asyndetic alternation is governed by socio-stylistic factors (discourse traditions, audience and speaker design). The analysis of the data from the corpus CODEA+2015, is carried out by using regression models. Our results indicate that the selection of asyndetic complements was predicted by the type of audience (reactive style-shift), employed especially when addressing superiors. Also, asyndetic complements were favored by the use of deferential request verbs such assuplicar('to beg') that represents the petitioner as an inferior (proactive style-shift). Furthermore, the stylistic choice for an asyndetic complement was determined at the sentential level ("micro" discourse traditions), when the writer is also the performer of the speech-act. Thus, we show that in choosing alternative variants, writers are concerned with expressing grammatical meanings but also social identity. Additionally, the diachronic analysis indicates that while the proactive style-shift effect grows stronger over time, the relevance of the reactive style-shift declines, showing that socio-stylistic predictors, similarly to linguistic predictors, can be affected diachronic fluctuations. Our paper evinces the relevance of a multidimensional and diachronic approach to the study of syntactic variation, demonstrating how a monolithic view of the textual dimension can hide fine-grained socio-stylistic effects.