Suchergebnisse

The settlements of informal origin in Colombia emerged as an alternative to access housing for the socially and economically vulnerable population due to the limited institutional opportunities to obtain a solution. Thus, the victims of the armed conflict have found in this modality of urbanization a refuge in the city as a result of the forced displacement and the poverty. However, the different access modalities to the land relate this type of settlements with an illegal city due to the processes of irregular urbanization and self-production of housing developed far from the fulfillment of the urban norm. This denomination leads to an invisibilization of a set of injustices that the families who live there face off permanently. Given this scenario, the concept of space justice, which was proposed in the seventies, was adopted with the intellectual movement called Radical Geography, so it could be explored new approaches to settlements of informal origin that allowed to overcome the confused idea of understanding the legal as an action of justice. The exploration is carried out from the revision of the set of political actions derived from those aws designed to guarantee the access to housing to the victims of the forced displacement because of the internal armed conflict in Colombia, and the reality observed through life stories. Finally, it is observed that the design of public policies continues to be thought from a utilitarian perspective, and for this reason the actions of justice are still measured in economic terms and not in social terms. ; Los asentamientos de origen informal en colombiana han surgido como una alternativa de acceso a vivienda para la población social y económicamente vulnerable frente a las limitadas oportunidades institucionales de acceso a una solución habitacional. Así, las víctimas del conflicto armado por desplazamiento forzado y la población que se encuentra en situación de pobreza han encontrado en esta modalidad de urbanización un refugio en la ciudad. Sin embargo, las ...

1. Law, Memory and Post-Apartheid Spatiality: 'Reading Nomos Otherwise', 'Mapping the Heterotopic / Jaco Barnard-Naudé -- 2. A Struggle for Space (Elsewhere): Marching for Gaza in Santiago de Chile / Siri Schwabe -- 3. Political Activism, Undocumented Migrants, and Solidarity Marriage: Between Kindness and Crime? / Julia Rushchenko -- 4. Diaspora, Space, and Tele-Biopolitics /Dafina Paca -- 5. Where Are We and to What End? Marking Spaces of Bodily and Literary Resistance in Guantanamo Bay / Melanie R. Wattenbarger -- 6. Spatial Justice Through the Lens of Political Discourse, Dissecting Italian Responses to Bangladeshi and Filipino Diasporas / Le Anh Nguyen Long -- 7. Racial and Spatial Injustices and the Tower Hamlets Coup / Nadine El-Enany -- 8. Ethiopian Diasporic Community Networks and Practice of Homemaking in Sweden / Tekalign Ayalew -- 9. Diaspora Space and Nomadic Legality? Tribe and the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 / Emma Patchett

International audience ; This paper deals with the forms of governmentality emerging from various technological changes, particularly with projects related to smart cities and digital technologies. Firstly, the relationship between governmentality and digital technologies will be introduced and explored, looking at issues such as the possibility of an algorithmic governmentality and the role of technique and technology. The following section will provide a critical approach to current smart city projects, focusing on a contextualization and a genealogy of these projects, and on the forms of governmentality that they express. The paper ends with an exploration of the challenges and potential risks inherent to the forms of algorithmic governmentality present in smart cities, such as the possibility of spatial injustice.

Abstract The economic and political changes characterising contemporary urbanisation have generated unjust conceptions and configurations of urban space that, in turn, have sparked off unusual forms of activism. All over the world, heterogeneous groups of citizens have imagined and experimented with new collective actions to counter urban transformations producing social segregation, expulsions, erasure of public spaces and environmental destruction. However, the impact of these experiments on the production of more just forms of urbanisation is a contested issue. Following a line of thinking that grasps the sense of such experiences, rather than their greater or lesser capacity to change the course of events, this paper compares and debates two cases of urban activism occurred in the Apulia Region (Italy). The case studies are analysed with a focus on the narratives concerning the sense and feeling of injustice circulating within them and with the goal to highlight their contribution to urban politics to come. In spite of their differences, the analysis discloses a common concern: the need to free urban space from 'acceptable injustice' considered as a pillar of the architecture of contemporary urbanisation.

International audience ; Within the EU's multi-level governance system, there has been an increasing interest in whether and how an enhanced role of the local level in the delivery of cohesion policies could lead to more cohesion, or in other words, to improved spatial justice. Joining this debate, the paper analyses a particular application and adjustment of the "ideal model" of the European policy instrument Community-Led Local Development (CLLD). In its core lies a local, third-sector action from Kotka, a medium-sized city in Southeast Finland showing, in a national comparison, significant levels of unwell-being of groups of residents and neighbourhoods. The paper investigates how local stakeholders organise themselves to address social/spatial injustice and how this is affected by "multidimensional metagovernance". Additionally to a multi-level and relational approach to governance processes, linked to a dynamic understanding of spatial justice as an interactive combination of its distributive and procedural aspects, local autonomy is conceptualised in terms of two sources of empowerment, based on the two principles of power. One is how the "power of initiative" is expressed locally, evoking ideas of place-based capacities and perceptions and participation; the other is how the local level may strive to enhance its "power of immunity", its freedom to act without the control of higher tiers of government. Meanwhile, the complexity and fuzziness of the notion of "locality" is demonstrated as a terrain and subject of spatial injustices as well as the source of (policy) solutions thereof. ; Au sein du système de gouvernance multi-niveaux de l'UE, le rôle accru de l'échelon local dans l'exécution des politiques de cohésion suscite de plus en plus d'intérêt : comment peut-il permettre une plus grande cohésion ou, pour le formuler autrement, une meilleure justice spatiale ? Cet article, en joignant sa voix au débat, propose d'analyser les applications et les adaptations du « modèle idéal » promu par un instrument ...

The article analyzes the links between territorial planning and ethnic recognition based on the experiences of two Afro-descendant communities located in the flat valley of the Cauca river, Colombia: El Hormiguero and El Tiple. It describes the tensions, within the Colombian State, derived from the differential recognition of rights to ethnic populations and the mechanisms aimed at planning the use and appropriation of nature. The methodology applied to the study was a qualitative approach by implementing ethnographic and archival perspectives, which privileged the interaction with the communities, organized around the Community Councils, and the revision of the extensive normative archive that grounds municipal territorial planning. The comparative analysis of the study cases of El Hormiguero and El Tiple reveals an institutionalized form of spatial injustice due to the de facto imposition of private economic interests on territorial planning. This injustice has deprived Afro-descendant communities of their acquired rights, such as recognition, territory, and prior, free and informed consultation.Highlights: Research article on the confinement of Afro-descendant communities in the flat valley of the Cauca river, which involves injustice regarding the distribution of property and land use. The spatial segmentation caused by the expansion of sugar cane planting was instituted through territorial planning instruments, which have even denied these communities their constitutional rights. ; Este artículo analiza las relaciones entre ordenamiento territorial y reconocimiento étnico a partir de las experiencias de dos comunidades afrodescendientes localizadas en el valle plano del río Cauca, Colombia: El Hormiguero y El Tiple. Se ilustran las tensiones del Estado colombiano, surgidas entre el reconocimiento diferenciado de derechos a las poblaciones étnicas y los mecanismos para ordenar el uso y la apropiación de la naturaleza. La metodología empleada tuvo un enfoque cualitativo de tipo etnográfico y archivístico, donde se privilegió la interacción con las comunidades organizadas en torno a los Consejos Comunitarios y la revisión del extenso archivo normativo que sustenta el ordenamiento territorial municipal. El análisis comparativo de los casos de El Hormiguero y El Tiple demuestra una forma institucionalizada de injusticia espacial dada la imposición de facto de intereses económicos privados sobre el ordenamiento de los territorios. Injusticia que ha privado a las comunidades afrodescendientes de los derechos étnicos adquiridos, como el reconocimiento, el territorio y la consulta previa, libre e informada.Ideas destacadas: artículo de investigación sobre el confinamiento de las comunidades afrodescendientes en el valle plano del río Cauca que implica injusticia en cuanto a la distribución de la propiedad y del uso del suelo. La segmentación espacial causada por la expansión de la caña de azúcar ha sido instituida por instrumentos de planificación territorial, incluso negando derechos constitucionales de estas comunidades. ; Este artigo analisa as relações entre ordenamento territorial e reconhecimento étnico a partir das experiências de duas comunidades afrodescendentes localizadas no vale plano do rio Cauca, Colômbia: El Hormiguero e El Tiple. São ilustradas as tensões do Estado colombiano, surgidas entre o reconhecimento diferenciado de direitos às populações étnicas e os mecanismos para ordenar o uso e a apropriação da natureza. A metodologia utilizada teve uma abordagem qualitativa de tipo etnográfico e arquivístico, em que foi privilegiada a interação com as comunidades organizadas em torno dos Conselhos Comunitários e a revisão do extenso arquivo normativo que sustenta o ordenamento territorial municipal. A análise comparativa dos casos de El Hormiguero e El Tiple demonstra uma forma institucionalizada de injustiça espacial, tendo em vista a imposição de facto deinteresses econômicos privados sobre o ordenamento dos territórios. Esta injustiça tem privado as comunidades afrodescendentes dos direitos étnicos adquiridos, como o reconhecimento, o território e a consulta prévia, livre e informada.Ideias destacadas: artigo de pesquisa sobre o confinamento das comunidades afrodescendentes no vale plano do rio Cauca que implica injustiça quanto à distribuição da propriedade e do uso do solo. A segmentação espacial causada pela expansão da cana-de-açúcar tem sido instituída por instrumentos de planejamento territorial, inclusive negando direitos constitucionais dessas comunidades.

Since the early 1950s East Asia (China, Taiwan and South Korea) and South-East Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam) have, despite war and other challenges, managed to transform the lives of their people, whereas South Asia (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka) has lagged behind. The success of East and South-East Asia has not been accidental – it has been driven by action to reduce rural poverty, by the provision of decent education and health services to the people, and by high quality physical and institutional infrastructure, such as roads, ports and railways, and targeted support from the State to develop particular industries. In contrast, Pakistan has never confronted the problem of rural poverty, nor invested in public services. This failure is a reflection of the power of the landed class and its urban allies. This has now taken the form of widespread rent-seeking in the economy with the country's ruling elite sharing out the spoils amongst themselves rather than taking measures to grow the size of the economy so that all might share in the resulting prosperity. Rentier Capitalism sheds light on the reasons behind Pakistan's failure to bring prosperity to its people when compared to other East Asian and South-East Asian countries.

"Slum Politics in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.

National audience ; Les transformations du capitalisme et des systèmes productifs ont fait perdre aux villes leur fonction de foyers industriels pour en faire avant tout des centres de consommation et de coordination de systèmes de production redéployés à l'échelle mondiale. Plus que jamais, les métropoles sont des lieux de connexion de flux de capitaux et d'informations organisés à l'échelle mondiale, mais aussi des espaces d'innovation, de création et de reproduction de la force du travail du capitalisme cognitif.

National audience ; Les transformations du capitalisme et des systèmes productifs ont fait perdre aux villes leur fonction de foyers industriels pour en faire avant tout des centres de consommation et de coordination de systèmes de production redéployés à l'échelle mondiale. Plus que jamais, les métropoles sont des lieux de connexion de flux de capitaux et d'informations organisés à l'échelle mondiale, mais aussi des espaces d'innovation, de création et de reproduction de la force du travail du capitalisme cognitif.