The Treaty of Lisbon, in line with the failed Constitutional Treaty and in the sequence of several initiatives which had taken place, came to provide for the mechanism of permanent structured cooperation. The goal of this mechanism is to enable the arising of a vanguard of Member States, eventually ready to form the embryo of a future European Union's exclusive defence system. Although permanent structured cooperation represents a step towards the application of the "community method" to security and defence of the European Union, it doesn't still fit in that pattern. Only future can tell, if permanent structured cooperation is likely to provide the European Union with a security and defence policy based on the "community method".
The aim of this article is to analyze the current dynamics of South American integration and the role played by Brazil in the region. The formation of Unasur evidences the projection of new themes and issues in regional cooperation, among which, the dimensions of security, infrastructure and financing. The projection of these issues opens up the possibility of change in historical dilemmas of cooperation and integration in South America and can offer new indications about the direction Brazilian foreign policy seeks to confer on regional integration. We intend to examine whether the sense of cooperation in South America has changed with the formation of Unasur, and to what extent it is possible to build a regional integration process that aims to strengthen national autonomy. Adapted from the source document.
This paper addresses the State capacities organized to promote bilateral international cooperation between Brazil and South Africa, and between Brazil and China, concerning international trade and human's rights, using comparative method and transversal analyses. Aiming to examine the impacts of political institutions on State capacities, China and South Africa were chosen due to the fact that they compound, with Brazil, different dyads of international cooperation (Leeds, 1999): China, an autocracy, and South Africa, a democracy. The paper's main objective is to point differences and similarities in the States capacities of these countries, depending on variations in their political institutions. The three countries present different types of State capacities (Cingolani, 2013): in China, there is a contrast between high administrative and low legal, relational and political State capacities. South Africa and Brazil present a more complex network of actors and institutions, revealing a bigger development of the legal, relational and political State capacities.
This article is about the Euro crisis. It intends to present a small contribution concerning the political interests that guided member states on the issue of monetary cooperation, since the so-called "Snake" to the European monetary system, and later on the creation of the Monetary Union. Then it concentrates on the Euro crisis, trying to identify the interests that prevailed on what was done by the area countries to overcome the current crisis, and also on what remains to be done. It ends up with a brief reflection on the political effects of the crisis on the EU balance of power. Adapted from the source document.
This article presents an overview of the current state of affairs of the EU-Israel relations and contributes to an expansion of the research agenda of this field. With a focus on the social and political developments of the last five years, it argues that this relationship exhibits patterns of cooperation and conflict, and attraction and repulsion. The remarkable importance that the EU has for Israel in the domains of economy, trade, science and culture is not matched by an equivalent political leverage, despite EU's efforts in influencing regional political developments, mainly the ones regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Departing from this context, the article critically engages with the literature and presents avenues for further inquiry on this topic. Adapted from the source document.
Presente Special Issue aims to analyze the narratives and practices of internal security in your internal / external connections. The complexity of risks and threats have questioned the conceptualizations, policies and organic, based on a rigid separation between internal and external security. In response to transnational challenges, the state actor has diversified palette of cooperatives mechanisms: institutionalized interstate cooperation; of security regimes; co-operation between state actors and private actors; networks transgovernmental relations. In summary, we can identify three aspects of the nexus in / out: 'internalization of external phenomena incidence; externalization of internal phenomena initially incidence; phenomena of cross-border nature.' Regarding the externalization of internal security, it is therefore associated with the missions of international transnational criminal activities, the explicit goals of internal security in foreign policies, the interstate cooperatives and transgovernmental mechanisms in the field of internal security and police in situations of post-conflict. Adapted from the source document.
Qual o papel que a política social desempenha no desenvolvimento? Que ferramentas teóricas e conceptuais podemos usar para compreender melhor esse papel - considerando que as de que dispomos actualmente são, na maioria, as associadas aos modelos socioeconómicos e políticos dos países mais industrializados? Neste trabalho procuramos analisar estas questões, com base na reflexão sobre os modelos de regimes de bem-estar aplicados à realidade dos países em desenvolvimento. Nesta discussão recorremos a um conceito de política social abrangente e, nesse sentido, procurámos identificar a multi-dimensionalidade de funções que aquela pode desempenhar no desenvolvimento, designadamente em sociedades caracterizadas pela instabilidade e pela fragilidade institucional. Por outro lado, considerando a dependência que grande parte dos PED vive em relação à ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento, procurámos perceber também, de que modo a política social é entendida pelos actores-chave da cooperação – qual a posição que ocupa na agenda actual, dominada pelos objectivos da luta contra a pobreza, da melhoria dos níveis de saúde e de educação? Este articulado de questões está vertido na análise do caso da Guiné-Bissau numa perspectiva de regime de bem-estar, cuja evolução recente tem sido marcada pela instabilidade política, conflito, e degradação dos níveis de bem-estar. Palavras-Chave: Política Social, regimes de bem-estar, cooperação para o desenvolvimento, Estados "frágeis," Guiné-Bissau ; What's the role of social policy in development? Which theoretical and conceptual instruments can we use to better understand that role – considering that the ones we usually have are, mostly, associated with the socioeconomic and political contexts of industrialized counties. In this work, we aim to discuss those questions, using the welfare regimes theoretical framework, as it has been applied to the reality of developing countries. In this discussion we have used a broader concept of social policy and, in that sense, we've tried to identify the multi-dimensionality of roles that it can perform in development, particularly, in societies characterized by instability and institutional fragility. On the other hand, considering the great dependency on foreign aid that many developing countries face, we've tried to understand the approaches of the main development cooperation actors' towards social policy – what's the position of social policy in the present agenda, characterized by the importance given to poverty, health and education? This set of questions is integrated in the analysis of the Guinea-Bissau case in a wellbeing regime perspective, considering that it recent history has been characterized by political instability, conflict and the falling of wellbeing levels. Keywords: Social policy, welfare regimes, development cooperation, "fragile" states, Guinea-Bissau
In: Contexto internacional: revista semestral do Instituto de Relações Internacionais, IRI, Pontíficia Universidade Católica, PUC, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 573-616
Regarding the context of crisis and transformation of the European project, Portugal, as well as all the European member states, must define its goals concerning that transformation. This article presents a wide range of proposals in order to help the definition of a Portuguese Agenda to the eu focusing on the policies of trade, cohesion, agriculture, cooperation, competition and on the transEuropean networks. Adapted from the source document.
A refundação do regulamento n.º 44/2001 pelo regulamento n.º 1215/2012 pautase pela observância, em absoluto, no espaço da União Europeia, dos princípios da confiança recíproca entre Estados-Membros na administração da justiça e do acesso à justiça dos cidadãos que nela residem e circulam. Numa União marcada pelas liberdades fundamentais de circulação e pela existência de um mercado interno, estes princípios justificam que as decisões judiciais proferidas num Estado-Membro sejam automaticamente reconhecidas e executadas, noutro Estado-Membro, exceto em caso de impugnação por parte do demandado. Seria difícil imaginar a prossecução de uma cooperação e uma integração judiciárias sem confiança – esta tem de ser criada entre tribunais de diferentes Estados-Membros, e de ser sentida pelos próprios cidadãos europeus, de modo a que possam ver que a Europa está ativamente à procura de melhorar as suas condições de vida e de trabalho. A Comissão Europeia envidou esforços construtivos para uma supressão do exequatur, querendo que o processo de reconhecimento e de execução ora previsto no regulamento n.º 1215/2012 fosse mais simplificado (até propôs a exclusão da cláusula de ordem pública, o que não foi adotado). É necessário analisar como o Tribunal de Justiça interpreta as regras relativas à recusa de reconhecimento ou de execução de sentenças emanadas noutros Estados-Membros, para perceber se a tutela jurisdicional efetiva é observada pelo regulamento n.º 1215/2012. ; The Brussels I Regulation's re-foundation by the New Brussels I Regulation was thought to secure reciprocal trust on justice administration among Member States and to grant full access to justice for those who inhabit and circulate in its territory. In a Union characterized by circulation freedoms and an internal market existence, those principles justify a situation in which judgments ruled by a Member State's court are automatically recognised and enforced, in other Member-State, except when the defendant evokes the rules on denial of judgments' recognition and enforcement. There would not be judicial cooperation and integration's prosecution without trust – trust must exist among Member States' courts and it must be felt by EU citizens so they can acknowledge that EU is actively seeking to improve their life and working conditions. The European Commission made constructive efforts to promote an exequatur's abolition, making recognition and enforcement proceedings on the New Brussels I Regulation simpler (it even proposed to remove the "public policy" clause, which was not accepted). It is necessary to analyse howthe CJEU applies the rules on denial of judgments' recognition and enforcement to perceive if the principle of an effective judicial protection is fulfilled under New Brussels I Regulation.