This paper argues that the contemporary state of the conceptualization of the non-state actor is no longer sufficient in the context of recent developments of non-state actors, and calls for a reconceptualization. We thus present the concept of the hybrid actor, that is, an actor which combines the features and activities of different traditional types of non-state actors. On the basis of the typological framework we can define it as the kind of actor which has both political and economic aims and at the same time a type of inner organization that is characterized by features of different kind of structures. The process of hybridization is, among other things, influenced by the possibility of transnationalization and cooperation with other actors. This kind of actor has specific characteristics to such an extent that it gives a reason for the creation of a new category of non-state actors. The process of the hybridization of the non-state actor, according to an analysis of contemporary salient trends, will rather grow in its volume, even more underscoring the importance of the reconceptualization. Adapted from the source document.
This paper is devoted to the topic of relations between the Russian state, Russian society, and the Orthodox Church after the year 2008, when Patriarch Kirill was elected head of the Church. Such relations in Russia have gone through a significant transformation since the beginning of the Post-Soviet period. In the era of Patriarch Alexy II, the Church gradually began to claim a larger political role, the culmination of which was marked by Kirill’s election. At present, the Russian Orthodox Church operates to a certain degree as an institution of Russian political power. Its representatives, led by Kirill, often play a role that is more political than religious. By drawing from primary sources, official documents, media reports, and also speeches made by religious and political representatives, this article attempts to highlight the main issues and areas of cooperation between the state and the Church (e.g. the education system, elections in 2011 and 2012) and explain the ways in which this alliance is advantageous for both parties in relation to the Russian public. The last part of the article deals with how this connection between church and state is perceived by various sections of the Russian public, which is illustrated using several examples from previous years, e.g. the scandal surrounding the members of the feminist punk rock protest group Pussy Riot. ; This paper is devoted to the topic of relations between the Russian state, Russian society, and the Orthodox Church after the year 2008, when Patriarch Kirill was elected head of the Church. Such relations in Russia have gone through a significant transformation since the beginning of the Post-Soviet period. In the era of Patriarch Alexy II, the Church gradually began to claim a larger political role, the culmination of which was marked by Kirill’s election. At present, the Russian Orthodox Church operates to a certain degree as an institution of Russian political power. Its representatives, led by Kirill, often play a role that is more political than religious. By drawing from primary sources, official documents, media reports, and also speeches made by religious and political representatives, this article attempts to highlight the main issues and areas of cooperation between the state and the Church (e.g. the education system, elections in 2011 and 2012) and explain the ways in which this alliance is advantageous for both parties in relation to the Russian public. The last part of the article deals with how this connection between church and state is perceived by various sections of the Russian public, which is illustrated using several examples from previous years, e.g. the scandal surrounding the members of the feminist punk rock protest group Pussy Riot.
The article aims to present the three-level model of the EU, from the perspective of regional actors. The article analyzes the mechanisms of interaction among regional actors in reference to the level at which they are realized. Whereas the third level (regional level) is based on regional cooperation (cross-border, interregional and transnational) and regional partnership (realized by regional management), the state level and European level are based on the aggregation and articulation of regional interests. The third level follows the interest of a region. Mechanisms at the first and second levels follow the interest of a regional actor. Adapted from the source document.
This article seeks to identify the factors that influence the success of negotiations on the origin of regional regimes. To this end, it deals with two cases, namely with the establishing of the single market of the European Economic Community & with the establishing of the Common Market of the South (Mercado Comun del Sur, Mercosur). Both case studies clearly confirm the impact of state interests & the related activity of the most interested states on the success of negotiations. In addition, the article also shows that the success of negotiations can also be determined in some cases by the existence & activity of a hegemon & institutional agents. The key strategy used in attempts to initiate or reinforce regional cooperation in various parts of the world should therefore include an effort to engage a hegemon (if it exists) & establish institutional agents directed at providing the necessary expertise & independent mediation. Adapted from the source document.
The text is focused on the analysis of the position of the transitional regimes affiliated to the accession of ten new member states, which is to take place in May 2004, & its impact on the flexibility within the European Union. The text covers the historical development of the phenomenon of transitional measures, overview of the transitional measures negotiated in the current wave of enlargement & specifics of the Czech Republic in the whole process. In the historical perspective, the current transitional periods are to be compared primarily with the transitional regimes in the EU enlargements in the I980s, in particular with the accession of Spain & Portugal. Typical elements of present transitional periods are the application of the transitional periods in the very essential areas of the European integration, such as agriculture, free movement of workers & free movement of capital. Free movement of goods, in contrast, is influenced in a rather limited way. The transitional periods are internally diversified, both into internal temporal blocks followed by review of the suitability of their continuation & their application only in relation to several old member states. Specific transitional regime is the three-year-long period of enhanced regulatory powers of the European Commission in the area of internal market, & Commission's sanction powers against new member states so as to prevent the non-application of acquis in the area of the internal market & judicial cooperation. Those "horizontal" transitional periods will have -- albeit temporarily -- significant impact on the growth of the flexibility in the European Union. References. Adapted from the source document.
These reflections on the state & problems of Czech sociology after twelve years of free development include thoughts on its seven weaknesses that either at present or at least potentially pose a threat to Czech sociology, deprive it of the ability to compete, & lower the level of its prestige in society & the value of its scientific results. These weaknesses include: (1) the division of Czech sociology into qualitative & quantitative sociology, including the intolerance that accompanies this state; (2) the uncritical acceptance of only the most basic & superficial results of sociology by the political sphere in the form of percentages & speculations relating to them; (3) the somber state of under-financing in academic sociology; (4) the difficulties affecting post-secondary school teachers on the one hand & researchers at the Academy of Sciences on the other; (5) the need for cooperation with other sociologists in the region; (6) cooperation with Europe & the world; & (7) morals & integrity, without which, in the author's firm opinion, it is impossible to conduct sociological research.
This study deals with the phenomenon of paradiplomacy, or parallel diplomacy. Paradiplomacy refers to international activities of cities and regions and includes marketing and public diplomacy, cross-border cooperation, functional trans-border cooperation, cultural and educational cooperation, and other activities. Paradiplomacy developed in the last third of the 20th century as a result of economic globalization, state decentralization, nationalism and the strengthening of regional identity, European integration, and the internationalization of cultural, educational, environmental, transport and other topics labelled as "low politics". Thus, we can identify both economic and political foundations of paradiplomacy. The first part of the study presents a review of literature on paradiplomacy; the second part is a case study of foreign policy instituted by the City of Prague in the electoral term 2006-2010. This case study confirmed initial hypotheses: first, that paradiplomacy is influenced by three supra-national factors: economic globalization (a), regional and global political and economic regimes (b), and transnational networks, mainly based in the EU (c); second, that paradiplomacy is influenced by institutional and constitutional relations between the centre and regions; third, that paradiplomacy is influenced by the antagonistic nature of these relations. Adapted from the source document.
The study examines results of the accession negotiations of the Czech Republic to the European Union (1998-2000). The main research questions are: how to measure success or failure in the accession negotiations? Are the conditions of the Czech Republic's entry well negotiated? Why are the results of the negotiations the way they are? The study demonstrates that the abilities of negotiators influence the results of the accession negotiations. This confirms the hypothesis that negotiators' abilities, their strategy, & tactics matters in this specific & highly asymmetric negotiations, although the character of the accession negotiations would presume that those should have only minor role in the accession talks. The analysis studies the influence of the negotiators' abilities in the good results in the area of the transitional periods as well as in the relatively less successful outcomes in the financial deal. Although a direct correlation between the effective strategy/tactics & successful results as well as between the incompetent or missing strategy/tactics & unsuccessful outcomes was not found, the study proves the impact of the individual as well as collective strategy/tactics of the candidates. The Czech Republic individually, as well as in the cooperation with other candidates, achieved not only expected minor concessions but was also able to change the original position of the EU & even the EU methodology. The strategy of the Czech foreign policy towards the bilateral disputes with the member states (nuclear power Temein, Benes decrees) could influence the low sum of the future Czech income for the years 2004-2006 from the EU budget, although the resultant amount was mainly determined by the objective reasons in the distribution of the finances among the candidates. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.
Neoliberal institutionalism, developed by Robert Keohane, & liberal theory of international relations elaborated by Andrew Moravcsik, nowadays represent two grand International Relations (IR) theories drawing on liberalism as one of the main theoretical approaches in this discipline. However, Keohane conceived of neoliberal institutionalism as a synthesis of realism & liberalism & Moravcsik proceeds from a specific understanding of liberalism & defines liberalism by the criteria of empirical social science. This essay examines, therefore, whether neoliberal institutionalism & liberal theory indeed involve & assemble together the main ideas of liberalism. The perspective applied in the essay is based on the intellectual history of liberalism and, in this way, regards the assumptions about the most fundamental actor in international relations & about the evolution of international relations as the intellectual core of liberalism. According to liberalism, individuals & collective social actors constituted by individuals (social & bureaucratic groups) are the most fundamental actors in international relations & international relations undergo transformation, in the course of which cooperation gradually prevails over conflict. Neoliberal institutionalism considers the state to be the most fundamental actor in international relations & assumes that the nature of international relations transforms & they acquire a more cooperative character. Liberal theory claims that individuals & social groups are the most fundamental actors & that international relations undergo transformation that is marked by the growth of cooperation. Consequently, whereas neoliberal institutionalism involves the intellectual core of liberalism only to some extent, liberal theory implies that there is a grand theory that subsumes the main ideas of liberalism. Adapted from the source document.
Ochrana životního prostředí je v demokratické společnosti výsledkem spolupráce veřejné správy, občanů a komerčních subjektů. Tato spolupráce, pokud má být konstruktivní, musí být založena na objektivních informacích z oblasti biologie, ekologie i dalších, převážně společensko-vědních oborů, které do ochrany životního prostředí přesahují. Skupiny (stakeholders), zapojené do těchto procesů, by měly mít ve všech těchto oborech adekvátní znalosti i přístup k nejnovějším poznatkům, a schopnost prezentovat je ve srozumitelné formě. Starší generace občanů v České republice zcela postrádá ekologické vzdělání (ekologie nebyla do sedmdesátých let minulého století v této společnosti uznávána jako věda) a mladší generace potřebuje průběžné informace o nových poznatcích z environmentálních oborů. Z těchto zkušeností vyšel návrh projektu REGOL, zaměřený na vzdělávání široké veřejnosti i profesionálů na regionální úrovni v nejnovějších poznatcích vědy, nezbytných pro rozhodování o ochraně přírody a krajiny. ; Environmental conservation in democratic society is the result of the cooperation of state administration with the public and commercial entities. If it is to be constructive, this cooperation has to be based objective information from the fields of biology and ecology, and other mostly social science disciplines which overlap environmental protection. Stakeholders engaged in these processes should have adequate knowledge in these disciplines and access to up-to-date information, and the ability to present it in an understandable form. The older generation in the Czech Republic had a lack of environmental education because ecology wasn’t considered a science in this part of the world until the 1970s). The younger generation needs ongoing information relating to new findings from all environmental disciplines . These experiences led to the project REGOL, which is geared toward educating the wider public and professionals at the regional level on the latest scientific findings essential to making decisions about nature and landscape protection.
The publication is divided into two main parts. The first part, mostly theoretical, contains an analysis of labour migration in the Czech Republic in a broader context, focusing on the state of social integration of migrant workers, their rights and their position within the Czech labour market, the issue of illegal work and its prevention, as well as an analysis of the key issues in the field of labour migration and integration in the European context, and in both partner countries participating in the project - Austria and Portugal. The second part presents the comparison of the non-profit sector functioning in the area of labour migration in the countries represented in the project, emphasizing the interdependence of their activities with labour offices and other entities in Portugal and Austria. It serves as a basis for proposals and suggestions for creation and development of similar forms of cooperation in the CR. This section describes the current status of Czech NGOs in the process of social integration of migrant workers in general, their services provided to target groups and their future perspectives in this field. The publication also includes legislative and other recommendations that could contribute to the facilitation of social integration of foreigners in the Czech Republic in the future, in terms of a labour market. Another noteworthy part comprises casuistic cases that are discussed in the publication, as well as inspiring interviews with consultants from the Austrian organization and with mediators of Portuguese organization. These experiences from abroad are then complemented with an interview related to the recently introduced practice of cultural mediators in the Czech Republic.