Suchergebnisse

Svrha je rada upozoriti na osobitu važnost suradnje država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem, napose u prostoru izvan područja suverenosti obalnih država. U radu se stoga objašnjava međunarodnopravni okvir za aktivnosti država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem. Pritom je naglasak stavljen na jurisdikciju država za provođenje prisilnih mjera protiv brodova kojima se krijumčare migranti. Izlaganje polazi od općih pravila koja uređuju jurisdikciju država na otvorenom moru, a danas su kodificirana u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o pravu mora iz 1982. Potom je fokus usmjeren na posebna pravila u vezi s krijumčarenjem migranata na moru sadržanima u Protokolu protiv krijumčarenja migranata kopnom, morem i zrakom, prihvaćenu uz Konvenciju UN-a protiv transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminaliteta iz 2000., gdje je u čl. 7. Protokola podcrtana upravo dužnost suradnje država stranaka "na sprječavanju i suzbijanju krijumčarenja migranata morem, u skladu s međunarodnim pravom mora". Protokol protiv krijumčarenja migranata u svome članku 17., štoviše, potiče države ugovornice na "sklapanje dvostranih ili regionalnih sporazuma ili operativnih dogovora ili suglasnosti" radi njegove bolje implementacije. U tom su smislu prikazani i evaluirani oblici bilateralne i multilateralne regionalne suradnje država s naglaskom na Mediteran, uzimajući napose u obzir suradnju država članica Europske unije preko Agencije za europsku graničnu i obalnu stražu (Frontex). K tomu, dan je osvrt na Rezoluciju Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a br. 2240 (2015) koja državama članicama UN-a daje izvanredne jurisdikcijske ovlasti na otvorenom moru pred obalama Libije, a služi kao pravni temelj za djelovanje mornaričke operacije EU-a EUNAVFOR Med "Sophia" u okviru Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike. ; The aim of the paper is to highlight the particular importance of interstate cooperation in combating migrant smuggling by sea, notably in waters beyond the sovereignty of coastal states. In explaining the international legal framework for the activities of states in combating migrant smuggling by sea, emphasis is put on the jurisdiction of states to take enforcement measures against vessels that are engaged in migrant smuggling. First, the general rules concerning the jurisdiction of states on the high seas are discussed, which are codified today in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982. Thereafter, the focus is on the special rules regarding migrant smuggling by sea, as comprised in the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air of 2000, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Article 7 of the Protocol indeed emphasizes the duty of states parties to "cooperate to the fullest extent possible to prevent and suppress the smuggling of migrants by sea, in accordance with the international law of the sea." Article 17 of the Migrant Smuggling Protocol furthermore encourages states parties to "consider the conclusion of bilateral or regional agreements or operational arrangements or understandings" with a view to enhancing the Protocol's implementation. In that respect the paper examines and evaluates forms of bilateral and regional cooperation between states with an emphasis on the Mediterranean, and especially considers the cooperation between the member states of the European Union via the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). In addition, the UN Security Council Resolution 2240 (2015) is analyzed, since it grants the UN member states exceptional jurisdictional powers on the high seas off the Libyan coast and serves as the legal basis for the activities of EUNAVOR Med Sophia, an EU naval operation in the framework of the Common Security and Defence Policy.

Funkcionalna suradnja NATO-a i Ruske Federacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima je nužna, ali zbog još uvijek obostranog nepovjerenja i natjecateljski postavljenih ciljeva teško se ostvaruje. Autorica polazi od prikaza i analize postojećih odnosa suradnje ta dva aktera oko globalnih pitanja (borba protiv terorizma, krijumčarenje droga i narkotika, elementarne nepogode, obuka afganistanskih sigurnosnih snaga) najvećim dijelom operacionaliziranih u Afganistanu. Potom prikazuje prostor Arktika kao prostor na kojem se NATO i Ruska Federacija tek interesno pozicioniraju. Globalni izazovi sigurnosti (klimatske promjene, sigurnost transportnih ruta, eksploatacija energenata) ponovno mogu približiti stavove ta dva aktera, ali iz dosad poduzetih akcija autorica zaključuje da će i taj prostor biti poprište konfrontacija. Na kraju analizira dva osnovna problema (raketni štit u Europi i daljnje širenje NATO-a) koji su od završetka Hladnog rata pa do danas glavni problemi u odnosima NATO-a i Ruske Federacije. Bez obzira na trenutnu ukrajinsku krizu očito je da će se i budući odnosi NATO-Ruska Federacija paralelno odvijati na dva kolosijeka: funkcionalnoj suradnji i odnosima hladnog mira. ; Functional cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation is a necessity within the contemporary international relations. However, due to a lack of mutual trust which is still being felt and competitively set objectives of both players, such cooperation is sometimes difficult to achieve. Author starts by presenting and analyzing the existing examples of cooperation between the two states on global issues (fight against terrorism, drug trafficking, natural disasters, training of security forces in Afghanistan) – most of which is taking place in Afghanistan. She continues by elaborating on the situation in the Arctic territories where both NATO and the Russian Federation are just starting to position their interests. Again, it is the global challenges to security that might bring the positions of the two players closer in this area (such as climate changes, safety of transport routes, energy exploitation), but based on their activities so far the author concludes that this area might also become an area of confrontation. Finally, the author analyses two major issues (missile defense in Europe and further NATO enlargement) that have been principal problems in NATO-Russia relations ever since the end of the Cold War. Regardless of the current crisis in Ukraine it is apparent that future relations between NATO and the Russian Federation will continue on two parallel tracks: functional cooperation on one, and "cold peace" on the other.

Analizira se suradnja javne uprave i organizacija civilnog društva u procesu odlučivanja. Snaženje koncepta regulacijske države mijenja ulogu javne vlasti u procesu odlučivanja. To se posebno očituje kroz širenje broja akera koji sudjeluju u izradi politika i odluka. Europska unija razvija mogućnosti i načine putem kojih razne organizacije civilnog društva imaju priliku dati svoje mišljenje o donošenju određene odluke. Republika Hrvatska pokušava slijediti taj trend definiranjem odredbi o postupcima savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću i uspostavljanjem mehanizama suradnje s organizacijama civilnog društva i drugim akterima na izradi zakona, drugih propisa i akata. Također se analiziraju formalne mogućnosti i stvarna participacija civilnog društva u postupcima savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću te odnos s javnom vlasti u izradi odluka. Analiziraju se instrumenti savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću u EU-u i Hrvatskoj. Upozorava se na određene probleme u regulaciji i provedbi instrumenta te se predlažu rješenja za poboljšanje. ; The strengthening of the regulatory state concept in recent decades has changed the role of public authorities in the decision-making process, rendering them just one of the many different participants involved in policy-making and the decision-making process. As regulation became their primary function, public authorities began to emphasise the quality of the decision-making process and the decisions it engenders in order to encourage the establishment of a suitable environment for economic development. Therefore, supranational organisations and many countries are implementing regulatory reforms in an attempt to create better regulation, and in the context of these reforms they are using instruments of civil society participation in decision-making. As a result of various circumstances, creating relations with civil society based on cooperation and partnership is often a relatively slow and gradual process, yet progress is notable. The European Union is constantly evolving opportunities and ways in which various civil society organisations can convey their opinions about the adoption of certain decisions at the EU level. Croatia has also, particularly over the last seven years, tried to follow this trend by defining the legal provisions and procedures of public consultations, and by establishing mechanisms for cooperation with civil society organisations and many other stakeholders in the drafting of laws and other regulations. The paper analyses the role of civil society and the opportunities for public consultations in the European Union and Croatia. The analysis results indicate progress as well as problems. The author suggests improvements with regard to the cooperation between civil society and public administration in public consultations.

Mediterranean cooperation is addressed in the context of the creation of the Euromediterranean zone. The European Union has been developing various modes of cooperation with non-member Mediterranean countries by signing association agreements or cooperation agreements. The new European states, created after the disintegration of former socialist federations, demonstrate an interest in Mediterranean cooperation, though they tend to have different attitudes toward it. Their interest is based solely on the fact that Mediterranean cooperation has not been standardized & that it has a poorly developed institutional framework. This enables these countries to join in from time to time, when it suits their purposes. Regarding the role of the new states, the author distinguishes between two types of cooperation: (1) autonomous regional cooperation, which is not beneficial for the new states (eg, the Balkan states); & (2) occasional, specialized, dispersed cooperation, which might attract the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Adapted from the source document.

The development of regional cooperation in Southeastern Europe is very low in comparison with other European regions. The changes occurring in the attitudes of the international community (through increased sensitivity & familiarity with the situation in the field & the new democratic advances of Croatia) are now creating favorable conditions for the development of regional cooperation. This region can be strengthened through international efforts, including the international community's presence, since with its economic, political & even police/military resources it has enough instruments to support these developments. Southeastern Europe is expected to commence its transformation of the relationships by developing different forms of useful cooperation that should lead to increased security & a more peaceful coexistence. In this context, by means of regional cooperation, it should be possible to integrate this area into the Euro-Atlantic region as a whole. Adapted from the source document.

Ova analiza društvenog konteksta manjinske politike u Republici Srbiji u razdoblju od 2000. do 2016. godine posebnu je pozornost posvetila osnovnim odrednicama i dostignućima manjinske politike u procesu tranzicije i pretpostavkama, kao i mehanizmima izgradnje integrativne manjinske politike. Vladajuća etno-nacionalistička mobilizacija otežava prevladavanje nedavne prošlosti i teških posljedica međuetničkog sukobljavanja, uključujući i oružane sukobe, zločine etničkog čišćenja i genocida. To otežava međuetničku i međudržavnu suradnju sa susjedima, državama na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije odnosno Zapadnog Balkana. Posljedice ovakve politike najvidljivije su u položaju "novih nacionalnih manjina" i u odnosima sa susjednim državama koje su "matične države" ovih nacionalnih manjina. Odgovor na ove izazove Srbija bi trebala pronaći u okolnostima pojačanog značaja regionalne suradnje i pristupanja Europskoj Uniji (EU). Pritom ovaj odgovor najviše ovisi o tome hoće li se reformama dostići cilj održivog razvoja kao temelja socijalne inkluzije, a i pretpostavka je nužnih reformi i "europske budućnosti" (Janjić, 2011: 1 - 3). ; This analysis of the social context of minority policy in the Republic of Serbia betveen 2000 and 2016 deals with major determinants and achievements of minority policy in the transition process, including preconditions and mechanisms aimed at achieving the integrative minority policy in Serbia. The basic experience with minority policy and overall post-socialist transition in Serbia is marked by contradictions in the triangle of solidarity, social inclusion and ethnic nationalism. The dominant ethno-nationalist mobilization hinders the ability of Serbia to overcome the legacy of recent past and serious consequences of inter-ethnic conflicts, including armed conflicts, ethnic cleansing and genocide. This hinders inter-ethnic and inter-state cooperation with its neighbors, countries of the former Yugoslavia and Western Balkans. The consequences of such policy are most clearly visible in the status of "new" national minorities and in relations with Serbia's neighbors - "kin-states" of its national minorities. Likewise, it is difficult to implement supporting policies for the Serbs in the region who perceive Serbia as their "kin-state". Serbia should seek to respond to these challenges in attaching more importance to regional cooperation and joining the European Union (EU).

This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.

The real reasons that run counter to the conclusion that "the Balkan market" is essential for the economic development of Croatia are discussed. The author's thesis is that the West European market (particularly Italian & German markets) is crucial for Croatia & that it has always been so, even when Croatia was a part of the former Yugoslavia. That is why it is thought that Croatia's acceptance of the American notion of an economic integration of Southeast European states would be detrimental to Croatia. The same applies to the European Union's "regional approach," which links EU's cooperation with Croatia to Croatia's cooperation with the states on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. These assertions are corroborated with the statistical data on the trends in Croatian trade & other economic relations, before & after Croatia's independence. The author also pleads for the necessity of Croatia's economic cooperation with its neighboring states, in line with its interests -- the real measure of the relations among sovereign states. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting assumption is that globalization institutionalizes new forms of governance, but that this does not diminish the significance of the national state. On the contrary, globalization forces the advanced industrial societies to find a new balance between calls for economic efficacy & expectations regarding social security. On the other hand, national states have avoided the impact of globalization primarily owing to the (1) institutional acclimatizing reserve of modern democracies, (2) development & application of new political governing instruments, & (3) intelligent usage of international cooperational pressures in favor of national political innovations. However, all this does not mean that the national state has gone through globalization unscathed. A new architecture of political governance has emerged, called by the author the transnational regimes of politics. They include, besides national states, international organizations such as the WTO, regional integrations (EU, NAFTA), as well as a variety of national & transnational interest groups & movements. The author concludes that the efficacy of the new forms of governance must not be overrated. Also, the basic problem today is the expansion of the areas lacking functional markets, successful national states, or global forms of governance. 45 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author aims to present the etymology and history of the laicity principle as an important part of the political history of the West, particularly of France. The laicity idea has a very important place in the context of church-state relations, of separation of the two, and of their cooperation in certain areas (in models of cooperation). Since the concepts of laicity, secularism, secularisation and laicisation are often used in such a way as to make clear distinction impossible, an outline of their fundamental distinctions and an elucidation of possible ways of their use in political science seem to be fully justified. With regard to their etymological origins (Greek, Latin and French sources), the above-mentioned concepts are part of the common European tradition of establishing relations between the church and the state, relying on foundations which have demonstrated, in the course of history, their importance and various political applications. Adapted from the source document.

After the collapse of the bipolar world, multilateral initiatives & organizations entered a state of crisis, but at the same time, their importance increased. The author analyzes one form of multilateral involvement, the UN peacekeeping operations. In the last five years, their number has significantly increased, with the most important one in the territory of former Yugoslavia. Although many aspects of that operation are negative, in the future, they might prove useful for the reform of the concept of peacekeeping operations. The author particularly emphasizes the necessity for these peacekeeping operations to make a shift from the prevention of hostilities toward the imposition of peace, as well as the need to separate this aim from humanitarian activities, which should be assigned to specialized international organizations. The peacekeeping operations should evolve into a sort of multilateral interventionism that, while undoubtedly restricting individual states' sovereignty, strives to establish order. They could be supplemented with other means of pressure at the UN's disposal: sanctions, diplomatic isolation, or arms control. Adapted from the source document.

In the whole history of modern times India-USA relations were not much developed. It was a relationship of distant worlds & civilizations. After analyzing the basic features of the socio-political & economic situation in the present India, & its international position, the author indicates that from the end of the last century the relations between India & USA are characterized by a specific discovering of each other, approaching to each other & a significant development of mutual cooperation. Within the newly created post-Cold World constellation & a new vision of international relations, both countries have found good reasons & substantial basis for potentially productive mutuality. Adapted from the source document.

The author explores the genesis & ranges of interstate cooperation within the scope of the Adriatic Charter of Partnership, signed in Tirana on May 2, 2003 by Republic of Albania, Republic of Croatia & FYR of Macedonia, & the United States of America. First three member states of the Adriatic Charter Group have been united in their common objective to become an integral part of the NATO. USA gives strong impetus to member states of the Group to implement all the criteria for the membership in NATO promoting the "Open Door" policy. The author analyses Charter of Partnership & evaluates results of the meetings of the Partnership Commission & other mechanisms for interstate co-operation. References. Adapted from the source document.