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This Master's Thesis examines the dynamics of Baltic states' cooperation in implementing the political phase of electricity network synchronization with continental European networks (CEN). The main aim of this study was to identify the factors that led to the emergence of a unified position and made the political agreement in Brussels possible. To achieve this goal the following tasks were formulated: 1. Introduce the theoretical approaches of liberalism and neorealism, and the hypotheses that arise from them; 2. Review the context of synchronization process; 3. Identify how the positions of the three Baltic States have changed regarding synchronization process: including lengthy negotiations without finding a consensus and the achievement of an agreement. The first part of this Thesis discusses two theoretical approaches that are explaining regional cooperation – liberalism and neorealism. They are used to form two main hypotheses (H1 and H2), which are tested in the second part. H1 argues that the European Commission has become one of the most important actors in helping the Baltic states to reach an agreement, and thus solving collective action problems. H2 states that intensified cooperation between the Baltic states was driven by the threat of Russia. The second part of this work tests these hypotheses by conducting a case study using the process tracing method. The analysis covers the period from 2013 to 2018. Having examined both hypotheses, it was discovered that the EC had the greatest influence regarding the Baltic states' cooperation. Supranational institution has taken a leader's role and moderated the negotiation processes, initiated feasibility studies, and overseen the parties' compliance. The study also discovered that Lithuania had taken a leading role as well. First of all, Lithuania has made great efforts to improve bilateral relations with Poland, which resulted in involving Poland in the synchronization process. Furthermore, Lithuania's efforts have partly resulted in the EC taking the lead in this project. However, the second hypothesis in the work is only partially confirmed, as the study found that the strengthening and expansion of electricity networks in Russia and Belarus was not a primary factor in promoting more active cooperation between the Baltic states, but had some influence on Lithuania, Poland and later on the European Commission.

This Master's Thesis examines the dynamics of Baltic states' cooperation in implementing the political phase of electricity network synchronization with continental European networks (CEN). The main aim of this study was to identify the factors that led to the emergence of a unified position and made the political agreement in Brussels possible. To achieve this goal the following tasks were formulated: 1. Introduce the theoretical approaches of liberalism and neorealism, and the hypotheses that arise from them; 2. Review the context of synchronization process; 3. Identify how the positions of the three Baltic States have changed regarding synchronization process: including lengthy negotiations without finding a consensus and the achievement of an agreement. The first part of this Thesis discusses two theoretical approaches that are explaining regional cooperation – liberalism and neorealism. They are used to form two main hypotheses (H1 and H2), which are tested in the second part. H1 argues that the European Commission has become one of the most important actors in helping the Baltic states to reach an agreement, and thus solving collective action problems. H2 states that intensified cooperation between the Baltic states was driven by the threat of Russia. The second part of this work tests these hypotheses by conducting a case study using the process tracing method. The analysis covers the period from 2013 to 2018. Having examined both hypotheses, it was discovered that the EC had the greatest influence regarding the Baltic states' cooperation. Supranational institution has taken a leader's role and moderated the negotiation processes, initiated feasibility studies, and overseen the parties' compliance. The study also discovered that Lithuania had taken a leading role as well. First of all, Lithuania has made great efforts to improve bilateral relations with Poland, which resulted in involving Poland in the synchronization process. Furthermore, Lithuania's efforts have partly resulted in the EC taking the lead in this project. However, the second hypothesis in the work is only partially confirmed, as the study found that the strengthening and expansion of electricity networks in Russia and Belarus was not a primary factor in promoting more active cooperation between the Baltic states, but had some influence on Lithuania, Poland and later on the European Commission.

This Master's Thesis examines the dynamics of Baltic states' cooperation in implementing the political phase of electricity network synchronization with continental European networks (CEN). The main aim of this study was to identify the factors that led to the emergence of a unified position and made the political agreement in Brussels possible. To achieve this goal the following tasks were formulated: 1. Introduce the theoretical approaches of liberalism and neorealism, and the hypotheses that arise from them; 2. Review the context of synchronization process; 3. Identify how the positions of the three Baltic States have changed regarding synchronization process: including lengthy negotiations without finding a consensus and the achievement of an agreement. The first part of this Thesis discusses two theoretical approaches that are explaining regional cooperation – liberalism and neorealism. They are used to form two main hypotheses (H1 and H2), which are tested in the second part. H1 argues that the European Commission has become one of the most important actors in helping the Baltic states to reach an agreement, and thus solving collective action problems. H2 states that intensified cooperation between the Baltic states was driven by the threat of Russia. The second part of this work tests these hypotheses by conducting a case study using the process tracing method. The analysis covers the period from 2013 to 2018. Having examined both hypotheses, it was discovered that the EC had the greatest influence regarding the Baltic states' cooperation. Supranational institution has taken a leader's role and moderated the negotiation processes, initiated feasibility studies, and overseen the parties' compliance. The study also discovered that Lithuania had taken a leading role as well. First of all, Lithuania has made great efforts to improve bilateral relations with Poland, which resulted in involving Poland in the synchronization process. Furthermore, Lithuania's efforts have partly resulted in the EC taking the lead in this project. However, the second hypothesis in the work is only partially confirmed, as the study found that the strengthening and expansion of electricity networks in Russia and Belarus was not a primary factor in promoting more active cooperation between the Baltic states, but had some influence on Lithuania, Poland and later on the European Commission.

This Master's Thesis examines the dynamics of Baltic states' cooperation in implementing the political phase of electricity network synchronization with continental European networks (CEN). The main aim of this study was to identify the factors that led to the emergence of a unified position and made the political agreement in Brussels possible. To achieve this goal the following tasks were formulated: 1. Introduce the theoretical approaches of liberalism and neorealism, and the hypotheses that arise from them; 2. Review the context of synchronization process; 3. Identify how the positions of the three Baltic States have changed regarding synchronization process: including lengthy negotiations without finding a consensus and the achievement of an agreement. The first part of this Thesis discusses two theoretical approaches that are explaining regional cooperation – liberalism and neorealism. They are used to form two main hypotheses (H1 and H2), which are tested in the second part. H1 argues that the European Commission has become one of the most important actors in helping the Baltic states to reach an agreement, and thus solving collective action problems. H2 states that intensified cooperation between the Baltic states was driven by the threat of Russia. The second part of this work tests these hypotheses by conducting a case study using the process tracing method. The analysis covers the period from 2013 to 2018. Having examined both hypotheses, it was discovered that the EC had the greatest influence regarding the Baltic states' cooperation. Supranational institution has taken a leader's role and moderated the negotiation processes, initiated feasibility studies, and overseen the parties' compliance. The study also discovered that Lithuania had taken a leading role as well. First of all, Lithuania has made great efforts to improve bilateral relations with Poland, which resulted in involving Poland in the synchronization process. Furthermore, Lithuania's efforts have partly resulted in the EC taking the lead in this project. However, the second hypothesis in the work is only partially confirmed, as the study found that the strengthening and expansion of electricity networks in Russia and Belarus was not a primary factor in promoting more active cooperation between the Baltic states, but had some influence on Lithuania, Poland and later on the European Commission.

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

The cooperation among Northern European and the three Baltic states has been an object of considerable attention in the Baltic region. Diplomatic relations between the states in the region were established as early as 1990. Real progress can be traced in the long dialogue among the Baltic and the Nordic countries that took over a decade. Worth of notice is also the fact that, with the help of the Nordic states, have we reached the EU threshold, as well as acquired a strong backup in the formation of common policy goals. The Baltic Assembly (BA) and the Nordic Council (NC), serving as the centre of current analysis, can be regarded as comparable interparliamentary institutions. Such conclusion is drawn regarding that the BA was actually created after the model of NC was proposed by the Nordic states. In pursuit of explanation for the inconsistencies fraud in cooperation between the BA and the NC during a set period of time, it has been divided into two parts: a) The NC assistance in founding and early functioning of the BA from 1990 to 1995 the period of limited relationships embodied in the bilateral cooperation treaty, without any collective decision-making. The BA was established in 1991 and owed its financial and political support to NC. At that time its functions were limited, as it had little experience and with the help the NC was to become a legitimate partner.

The cooperation among Northern European and the three Baltic states has been an object of considerable attention in the Baltic region. Diplomatic relations between the states in the region were established as early as 1990. Real progress can be traced in the long dialogue among the Baltic and the Nordic countries that took over a decade. Worth of notice is also the fact that, with the help of the Nordic states, have we reached the EU threshold, as well as acquired a strong backup in the formation of common policy goals. The Baltic Assembly (BA) and the Nordic Council (NC), serving as the centre of current analysis, can be regarded as comparable interparliamentary institutions. Such conclusion is drawn regarding that the BA was actually created after the model of NC was proposed by the Nordic states. In pursuit of explanation for the inconsistencies fraud in cooperation between the BA and the NC during a set period of time, it has been divided into two parts: a) The NC assistance in founding and early functioning of the BA from 1990 to 1995 the period of limited relationships embodied in the bilateral cooperation treaty, without any collective decision-making. The BA was established in 1991 and owed its financial and political support to NC. At that time its functions were limited, as it had little experience and with the help the NC was to become a legitimate partner.

The cooperation among Northern European and the three Baltic states has been an object of considerable attention in the Baltic region. Diplomatic relations between the states in the region were established as early as 1990. Real progress can be traced in the long dialogue among the Baltic and the Nordic countries that took over a decade. Worth of notice is also the fact that, with the help of the Nordic states, have we reached the EU threshold, as well as acquired a strong backup in the formation of common policy goals. The Baltic Assembly (BA) and the Nordic Council (NC), serving as the centre of current analysis, can be regarded as comparable interparliamentary institutions. Such conclusion is drawn regarding that the BA was actually created after the model of NC was proposed by the Nordic states. In pursuit of explanation for the inconsistencies fraud in cooperation between the BA and the NC during a set period of time, it has been divided into two parts: a) The NC assistance in founding and early functioning of the BA from 1990 to 1995 the period of limited relationships embodied in the bilateral cooperation treaty, without any collective decision-making. The BA was established in 1991 and owed its financial and political support to NC. At that time its functions were limited, as it had little experience and with the help the NC was to become a legitimate partner.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.