Suchergebnisse

The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.

The task of the article is a comparison of theoretical findings of the conception of the international economic cooperation of the CMEA member states with the premises of their economic policies in this scope and with the previous course of integrational processes in the CMEA group. In the first part of the study, three basic theoretical concepts of economic cooperation are presented which can be related to differing views of economists on the part played by planning and international market in the socialist economy. In the second part of the study a system of the international economic cooperation adopted in the premises of the economic policies of the CMEA member states is analyzed. The author's attention is focused mainly on those elements of the international cooperation system which are compromising opposing pursuits of the particular member states of securing themselves most favorable conditions for balancing necessary means with needs stated autonomously in the national plans of economic developement. The third part of the study is devoted to the analysis of features of functioning of the present system of international cooperation of the CMEA states. The actual distribution of competence and roles in the system of relations between various levels of domestic and international institutions and organizations are characterized. The scope of implementation of resolutions and recommendations of the CMEA on the developement of the international specialization and productional cooperation is evaluated. The excessive build up of the consulting and negociating activities almost on all the levels of economic organizations of the member states and of the CMEA organs is also indicated. The identification and analysis of structure of interdependence of economic interests in the sphere of realization of international economic cooperation in the CMEA are performed. Particularly, following groups of interests can be singled out: Party and government governing bodies, central economic administration, productional and trade enterprises, international organs of the CMEA. In the final remarks factors diminishing the ability to control a mechanism of the international cooperation are presented, this can well account for the lack of developement in real integrational ties and related organizational structures in the system of cooperation of the CMEA states. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article analyses and evaluates Polish-American cooperation in support of Ukraine after Russia's full-scale aggression in 2022. It answers the question regarding the importance of Polish-American cooperation in supporting the Ukrainian state and society. It assumes that Polish-American cooperation plays a key role in the areas of military and non-military assistance for Ukraine and Ukrainians. Both countries are among the main donors of military equipment to Ukraine, which is delivered via the territory of Poland. In addition, they put great pressure on European countries to increase military support to Ukraine. Polish-American cooperation in non-military areas is also of great importance. Poland's aid for Ukrainian refugees is crucial, and the US is involved in its delivery and financing. The US, in turn, is of paramount importance in imposing sanctions on Russia to force it to stop its aggression and in providing economic assistance to Ukraine. Poland participates in the sanctions system and strives to make them as severe as possible. Another area of Polish-American cooperation is LNG trade, which allows Poland, and potentially also other CEE countries, including Ukraine, to secure natural gas supplies after abandoning imports from Russia. During the research, interviews with American scientists and experts were conducted, and the method of analysing the content of text sources was used.

The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation betweentwo continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations. ; The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation between two continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations.

Military cooperation is an important part of international relations, alongside diplomatic, economic, cultural, and environmental cooperation. The invitation to the "joint soldier's table" brings armies together, giving them the opportunity to get to know each other. The military cooperation makes it possible to compare the structural arrangement of the armed forces, the training process, military equipment, and training experience. It is also an opportunity to learn about the latest trends in the development of combat technology. Due to it, the risk of an outbreak of open armed conflict significantly decreases, which contributes to strengthening international security. The military cooperation is a very important element of international security because "mature" states see in this form of contact both their interests and the interests of the partners. The history and traditions of Polish-Ukrainian military contacts are as long as the relations between the two nations. Intensive military cooperation dates back to the mid-sixteenth century. Its basis was the pursuit of military development of the Cossacks, which are a paramilitary form of self-organization of the local society. The next chapter of Polish-Ukrainian military cooperation began shortly after the end of World War I. While analyzing the political and military situation, the Polish state authorities noticed Ukraine's significance for the future balance of power in Central and Eastern Europe and its impact on Poland's security in the East. That was of particular importance in the context of the growing threat from Bolshevik Russia. The arrangements made on 14 January 1992 during the visit of the Minister of Defense of Ukraine Colonel-General Konstantin Morozov. In formal terms, the legal basis for cooperation was the Kyiv Agreement between the Minister of National Defense of the Republic of Poland and the Minister of Defense of Ukraine on cooperation in the military field which was signed on 3 February 1993. ; W ramach stosunków międzynarodowych obok międzynarodowej współpracy politycznej, ekonomicznej, kulturalnej czy ekologicznej coraz częściej podejmowana jest także współpraca wojskowa. Zaproszenie do "wspólnego żołnierskiego stołu" zbliża armie, dając zarazem możliwość wzajemnego poznania. Współpraca wojskowa umożliwia porównanie strukturalnego układu sił zbrojnych, procesu szkolenia, wyposażenia wojskowego oraz wymianę doświadczeń szkoleniowych. Jest też okazją do zapoznania się z najnowszymi trendami rozwojowymi techniki bojowej. Dzięki niej znacznie spada ryzyko wybuchu otwartych konfliktów zbrojnych, co przyczynia się do umocnienia bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Współpraca wojskowa jest bardzo ważnym elementem bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, ponieważ "dojrzałe" państwa dostrzegają w tej formie kontaktów zarówno interesy własne, jak i interesy swoich partnerów. Historia i tradycje polsko-ukraińskich kontaktów wojskowych są równie bogate jak relacje między oboma narodami. Intensywna współpraca wojskowa swoimi początkami sięga połowy XVI wieku. Jej podstawą było dążenie do militarnego zagospodarowania Kozaków, będących paramilitarną formą samoorganizacji miejscowego społeczeństwa. Kolejny rozdział polskoukraińskiej współpracy wojskowej rozpoczął się tuż po zakończeniu I wojny światowej. Polskie władze państwowe, analizując sytuację polityczno-militarną, od samego początku dostrzegały znaczenie Ukrainy dla przyszłego układu sił w Europie oraz jej wpływ na bezpieczeństwo Polski na wschodzie. Miało to szczególne znaczenie w kontekście rosnącego zagrożenia ze strony bolszewickiej Rosji. Za początek kontaktów wojskowych z niepodległą Ukrainą należy uznać ustalenia poczynione 14 stycznia 1992 r. w trakcie wizyty w Polsce ministra obrony Ukrainy gen. płk. Konstantina Morozowa. Pod względem formalnym prawną podstawą współpracy stało się podpisane 3 lutego 1993 r. w Kijowie Porozumienie między Ministrem Obrony Narodowej Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej a Ministrem Obrony Ukrainy o współpracy w dziedzinie wojskowej.

The European Union's competition policy is one of the most important elements in the functioning of the entire European Community (EC), as its issues oscillate around the shared market. The economic aspect is key to understanding the actions taken around the founding of the European Communities (European Economic Community of 1957). Initially, the EC was predominantly economic in nature, and only after the Maastricht Treaty came into force in 1993 did the European Union reorient itself into a political community. This paper juxtaposes the impact of the European Union's and the United States' economic powers on global economic relations, with a particular explanation of the specifics of how the EU and the US conduct their trade policies, and how this implies mutual trade relations. Then, the European Union's competition policy and its specific features are discussed, which have a decisive impact on the emergence of economic conflicts between the partners from both sides of the Atlantic. An important role is also played here by the issue of ISDS (investor-state dispute settlement) mechanism and differences in the understanding of labor rights in the United States and the European Union. ; Polityka konkurencji Unii Europejskiej stanowi jeden z najważniejszych elementów funkcjonowania całej Wspólnoty Europejskiej (WE), ponieważ jej zagadnienia oscylują wokół wspólnego rynku. Aspekt gospodarczy jest zasadniczy, żeby zrozumieć działania podejmowane wokół założenia Wspólnot Europejskich (Europejska Wspólnota Gospodarcza z 1957 r.). Początkowo WE miała charakter w dominującej części gospodarczy, dopiero po wejściu w życie traktatu z Maastricht w 1993 r. Unia Europejska przeorientowała się na wspólnotę polityczną. W niniejszej pracy zostanie zestawiony wpływ siły gospodarczej Unii Europejskiej i Stanów Zjednoczonych na światowe związki gospodarcze, ze szczególnym wyjaśnieniem specyfiki prowadzenia polityki handlowej przez UE i USA, a także sposobu, w jaki oddziałuje ona na wzajemne relacje handlowe. Następnie omówiona ...

Wydarzenia przełomu lat 1989-1990, które wpłynęły na przemiany w Polsce oraz w innych państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej spowodowały, że kwestie bezpieczeństwa i gwarancji jego zapewnienia stały się podstawowym elementem polskiej racji stanu i głównym celem realizowanej polityki zagranicznej. Rozpoczął się proces budowy nowych powiązań traktatowych. W niniejszym artykule dokonano analizy traktatów o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę, które odgrywają szczególną rolę w stosunkach traktatowych państw. Zakres podmiotowy został ograniczony do umów podpisanych z państwami sąsiednimi, biorąc pod uwagę fakt zmian, które zaszły w bezpośrednim otoczeniu Polski, która zyskała na swoich granicach nowych sąsiadów. Celem opracowania jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie badawcze, czy w traktatach o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę po 1989 r. z państwami sąsiednimi znalazły się postanowienia odnoszące się do bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, stanowiące przejaw wspólnego zainteresowania i współpracy państw w tym zakresie oraz czy regulacjom tym nadano odpowiednią rangę, a tym samym, czy znalazły się odpowiednie gwarancje dla zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. ; The events at the turn of 1989/1990 that influenced the transformations in Poland and other countries of the Eastern and Central Europe caused the security issues and security assurance guarantees to become the fundamental elements of the Polish national interest and the main objective of the implemented foreign policy. A process of building new treaties and connections has begun. This paper analyses the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland that have a special role in the states' treaties policy. The subject of the paper is limited to the treaties with the neighbouring states since, after the changes in the closest surroundings, Poland obtained new neighbours. The purpose of this article is to answer questions if, in the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland after 1989, there were any security issues that reflected the common states' interest and whether those provisions were given the proper rank, and, at the same time, if there were any guarantees for Poland's security.

The events at the turn of 1989/1990 that influenced the transformations in Poland and other countries of the Eastern and Central Europe caused the security issues and security assurance guarantees to become the fundamental elements of the Polish national interest and the main objective of the implemented foreign policy. A process of building new treaties and connections has begun. This paper analyses the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland that have a special role in the states' treaties policy. The subject of the paper is limited to the treaties with the neighbouring states since, after the changes in the closest surroundings, Poland obtained new neighbours. The purpose of this article is to answer questions if, in the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland after 1989, there were any security issues that reflected the common states' interest and whether those provisions were given the proper rank, and, at the same time, if there were any guarantees for Poland's security. ; Wydarzenia przełomu lat 1989-1990, które wpłynęły na przemiany w Polsce oraz w innych państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej spowodowały, że kwestie bezpieczeństwa i gwarancji jego zapewnienia stały się podstawowym elementem polskiej racji stanu i głównym celem realizowanej polityki zagranicznej. Rozpoczął się proces budowy nowych powiązań traktatowych. W niniejszym artykule dokonano analizy traktatów o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę, które odgrywają szczególną rolę w stosunkach traktatowych państw. Zakres podmiotowy został ograniczony do umów podpisanych z państwami sąsiednimi, biorąc pod uwagę fakt zmian, które zaszły w bezpośrednim otoczeniu Polski, która zyskała na swoich granicach nowych sąsiadów. Celem opracowania jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie badawcze, czy w traktatach o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę po 1989 r. z państwami sąsiednimi znalazły się postanowienia odnoszące się do bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, stanowiące przejaw wspólnego zainteresowania i współpracy państw w tym zakresie oraz czy regulacjom tym nadano odpowiednią rangę, a tym samym, czy znalazły się odpowiednie gwarancje dla zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej.

Wydarzenia przełomu lat 1989-1990, które wpłynęły na przemiany w Polsce oraz w innych państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej spowodowały, że kwestie bezpieczeństwa i gwarancji jego zapewnienia stały się podstawowym elementem polskiej racji stanu i głównym celem realizowanej polityki zagranicznej. Rozpoczął się proces budowy nowych powiązań traktatowych. W niniejszym artykule dokonano analizy traktatów o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę, które odgrywają szczególną rolę w stosunkach traktatowych państw. Zakres podmiotowy został ograniczony do umów podpisanych z państwami sąsiednimi, biorąc pod uwagę fakt zmian, które zaszły w bezpośrednim otoczeniu Polski, która zyskała na swoich granicach nowych sąsiadów. Celem opracowania jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie badawcze, czy w traktatach o przyjaźni i współpracy zawartych przez Polskę po 1989 r. z państwami sąsiednimi znalazły się postanowienia odnoszące się do bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, stanowiące przejaw wspólnego zainteresowania i współpracy państw w tym zakresie oraz czy regulacjom tym nadano odpowiednią rangę, a tym samym, czy znalazły się odpowiednie gwarancje dla zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. ; The events at the turn of 1989/1990 that influenced the transformations in Poland and other countries of the Eastern and Central Europe caused the security issues and security assurance guarantees to become the fundamental elements of the Polish national interest and the main objective of the implemented foreign policy. A process of building new treaties and connections has begun. This paper analyses the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland that have a special role in the states' treaties policy. The subject of the paper is limited to the treaties with the neighbouring states since, after the changes in the closest surroundings, Poland obtained new neighbours. The purpose of this article is to answer questions if, in the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made by Poland after 1989, there were any security issues that reflected the common states' interest and whether those provisions were given the proper rank, and, at the same time, if there were any guarantees for Poland's security.

In the introduction the author underlines the importance and role of the foreign trade in the socialist economy. The rate of increase in the trade with abroad in CMEA countries ought to undergo a considerable acceleration and surpass the rate of increase of the national income and industrial production. In the course of the last years the socialist countries have done and still do big efforts aiming at extension and deepening of the profits of economical relations with highly developed West European countries. These efforts were expressed in active cooperation in bilateral talks that were to lead to liberalization of export to CMEA and EFTA countries, to the membership of GATT reacted by some of the socialist countries and in finished negotiations under the name of Kennedy Round. In that way we theoretically reached the approach to western markets — that in general depends on the quality of exported goods, their attractive price, short terms of delivery and profitable sale conditions for foreign contractive parties — this fact however does not solve the problem. Liberalization of import to CMEA and EFTA countries secures the approach to the west markets only in formal and legal terms. But there exists still another aspect of the problem. These markets got under control of the state and international concerns. The introduction of a new competitor is very difficult in that situation. A solution could be found in creating such a situation in which our presence on the West markets would be not only a competition but simultaneously a form of cooperation, profitable for our partners. Cooperation in the international scale would be the required form. Further on, the author discussed in the article three forms of cooperation: licence agreements in the branch of building and exporting machines, gadgets and agreements for cooperation with West enterprises in the aim of supplying on the markets of the third world. The author dealt as well with forms of scientific and technical cooperation and discussed profits of cooperation for both sides. Finishing the article the author put forward the thesis that cooperation helps to enliven the economical relations between East and West. Of course only under the condition that it will be only economical form of international cooperation with no political strings. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

This article examines the reasons for adopting a non‑institutional character of the Visegrad cooperation in the years 1991‑1992. Its focus concerns two causes of the initial reluctance to institutionalise the Visegrad Group: the high level of unpredictability in Central Europe after the collapse of Communism and the symbolic role the Group was expected to play outside the region. These issues are considered through the prism of two theories in International Relations: neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism. Both provide theoreti‑ cal grounds to support the research hypothesis which assumes that the infor‑ mal character of the Visegrad cooperation was a pragmatic choice of its found‑ ing members. However, neorealist and neoliberal explanations of how the political background and security issues could have influenced their decision vary. The article concludes that the neorealist approach holds more explana‑ tory power in this regard, suggesting that the choice of the Visegrad states was dictated by the preservation of their national interests and subjected to ex‑ ternal limitations, rather than motivated by a common intention to facilitate their regional cooperation. ; Arkadiusz Nyzio

This publication contains the results of the research companies and expert analysis on the impact of cross-border cooperation on the competitiveness of small and medium-sized enterprises, thereby strengthening development processes in the peripheral regions. The research was conducted within the framework of the project "Development of cross-border economic co-operation subregion Bialystok-Suwalki and Grodno region of Belarus and subregion Przemysl and Krosno with Transcarpathian Oblast in Ukraine" co-financed by the European Union under the Cross-Border Cooperation Programme Poland-Belarus-Ukraine 2007-2013. Bialystok Personnel Training Foundation implemented the project in cooperation with a partner from Belarus State University in Grodno and partner of Ukraine, Foundation for the Development of Cross-Border Cooperation of Uzhhorod.

The Amsterdam Treaty has established the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). Since then, it is an example of a policy-making area creating its way quickly and comprehensively. However, in this paper the main dilemma is to what extent the Schengen development has modified the framework of AFSJ and how it adapts in this policy while being an example of enhanced cooperation and differentiated integration model. Developments in this area are part of a realisation that European states need to act together to better face new challenges to peace and internal security, while ensuring respect for democracy and human rights. It is important to add, that cooperation in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice has been driven by forces different from that seen in other policy areas.

The subject of these reflections on the contemporary international relations is, on the one hand, sovereignty and, on the other, international security, and the analysis of the relationship between the system of collective security and the sovereignty of states in the context of sustainable peace and stability in the world. States have traditionally been tied to the idea of sovereignty. However, among the most characteristic features of the international relations of our time is the growing number of various types of threats originating in states (e.g. Iran, North Korea), in organisations or other entities (e.g. al-Qaeda). Security and sovereignty are two basic concepts most commonly discussed in literature and international legal doctrine. There are two reasons for that: (i) firstly, the main actors in international relations are states which are sovereign entities and the relations or cooperation between them is based on respect for the principle of that sovereignty, and (ii) secondly, the issue of safety is a key issue and a prerequisite for the performance of fully sovereign rights of these countries, necessary to ensure international cooperation and socio-economic development. This paper discusses the need to institutionalise legitimate use of force in global organisations as well as in their regional structures, and to rapidly and effectively manage situations and conflicts intercept to international peace and security. It also draws special attention to the role and place of international organisations in the maintenance of international peace and security both, at universal, and regional level. ; Przedmiotem niniejszych rozważań, dotyczących współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych są z jednej strony suwerenność, a z drugiej – bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe oraz analiza związku pomiędzy systemem bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego a suwerennością państw w kontekście utrzymania trwałego pokoju i stabilności na świecie. Państwa są tradycyjnie przywiązane do idei suwerenności, jednakże do najbardziej charakterystycznych cech stosunków międzynarodowych naszych czasów należy narastanie różnego rodzaju zagrożenia, zarówno ze strony państwa (np. Iran, Korea Północna), jak i ze strony innych podmiotów (np. Al-Kaida). Bezpieczeństwo i suwerenność to dwa podstawowe pojęcia w literaturze i doktrynie prawnomiędzynarodowej. Dzieje się tak z dwóch powodów: po pierwsze – głównymi aktorami w stosunkach międzynarodowych są państwa, będące suwerennymi podmiotami, a stosunki czy też współpraca między nimi oparte są w zasadzie na poszanowaniu owej suwerenności; po drugie – kwestia bezpieczeństwa jest podstawowym zagadnieniem i warunkiem niezbędnym do wykonywania w pełni suwerennych praw tychże państw oraz zapewnienia współpracy międzynarodowej i rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego. W artykule tym poruszono również problem konieczności instytucjonalizacji legalnego użycia siły, zarówno w organizacjach ogólnoświatowych, jak i na gruncie struktur regionalnych organizacji międzynarodowych, aby szybko i skutecznie zarządzać sytuacjami i konfliktami zagrażającymi pokojowi i bezpieczeństwu międzynarodowemu. W artykule zwrócono również szczególną uwagę na rolę i miejsce organizacji międzynarodowych w procesie utrzymania pokoju i bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, zarówno na poziomie ogólnoświatowym, jak i regionalnym.