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Empire, state & building
This book considers the material basis of building as a key impetus of both urbanization and the energetics of urban life. The otherwise externalized material geographies and thermodynamics of building's material basis reveal much about the dynamics and efficacy of how we build. This book plots the material history and geography for one plot of land in Manhattan: the parcel of land under the Empire State Building over the past two hundred years. Through rich illustrations, it tracks all the building material that have passed through this parcel or remain it in geographic and ecological dynamics: spatially (in terms of their geographic material footprints and industrial processes) and quantitatively (in terms of embodied energy, embodied carbon, and energy flow). In successive chapters, the book articulates the empire and states that are inherent to building, but remain unconsidered abstract and unknown by architects
State-Building in Afghanistan
In: Asian survey, Band 58, Heft 6, S. 973-994
ISSN: 1533-838X
This article examines post-2001 state-building in Afghanistan. In so doing, it explores how interactions among aid, politics, and state capacity shaped the characteristics of the state by looking at the existing conditions, sources of state income, the development planning process, aid coordination and alignment, and interventions in building state capacity.
State building process
Nach dem Oslo prozess im Gaza-Streifen und Westjordanland (weiter WJGS), die palästinensische Selbstverwaltung eingesetzt wurde. Die wichtigste Frage, eine Antwort auf die diese Dissertation zu geben versucht, ist: Hat es diese Regierung geschafft, sich in ihrem ersten Jahrzehnt (1994 - 2004) zu einer staatlichen, im Sinne von einer differenzierten, zentralisierten und autonomen Organisation zu entwickeln, die das Gewaltmonopol innehat und in der Lage ist, landesweit verbindliche Gesetze zu etablieren? Die Realität nach dem Oslo-Prozess: Tatsächlich fand eine Konzentration der Macht in den Händen Arafats und einer kleinen regierenden Elite in seinem Umkreis statt. Dies geschah auf Kosten der Mehrheit der Bevölkerung, welcher der Zugang zu staatlichen Institutionen auf nationaler Ebene verwehrt wurde. Dieser Zustand der Marginalisierung der Bevölkerungsmehrheit hemmte die Durchsetzung eines demokratischen Systems nach den Prinzipien Gewaltenteilung, Verantwortlichkeit und Transparenz und erstickte die rechtsstaatlichen Ansätze im Keim. Arafat und die kleine Elite in seinem Gefolge verhinderten nicht nur den Aufstieg eines demokratischen und rechtsstaatlichen Systems, sondern auch das Aufkommen eines Verwaltungssystems, das nach fairen Prinzipien (Leistung, Kompetenz) und nicht nach informellen/persönlichen Kriterien besetzt wurde, klare Spezialisierungen und Hierarchien aufwies sowie durchschaubar war, wie Max Weber vorschlägt. Näher betrachtet, erschwerten der Friedensprozess von Oslo und seine Vereinbarungen den Aufbau von stabilen und reaktionsfähigen politischen Institutionen genauso wie den eines professionellen Verwaltungssystems. Dies geschah, da der Prozess Menschen demobilisierte (aus der Unfähigkeit heraus, die Bestrebungen Palästinas, ein selbstbestimmter souveräner Staat zu werden, wahrzunehmen), außerdem ermöglichte er Arafat und dessen kleiner Machtelite, die Macht bei sich zu konzentrieren und ein halbautokratisches, von patrimonialen Zügen gekennzeichnetes Regime einzuführen, das dem Machthaber ermöglichte, öffentliche Fonds und Institutionen auszunutzen, um sich Loyalität zu sichern und seinem Regime Legitimität zu verschaffen. Als Antwort darauf stärkten die Gegner des Prozesses von Oslo und Arafats, also die Hamas, der Islamische Djihad und PFLP ihre Institutionen und begannen parallel zu den Institutionen der Autonomiebehörde parastaatliche Funktionen auszuüben. Am wichtigsten ist die Tatsache, dass diese Institutionen von den Milizen der politischen Parteien, denen sie angegliedert sind, beschützt werden. Zum Beispiel wird die Al Salah Islamic Society von den Izz El Din El Kassam Brigaden dem militärischen Flügel derHamas beschützt. Die 'Freunde der Märtyrer' sind dem Islamischen Djihad angegliedert und werden vom militanten Flügel der Gruppe, den Al Quds Brigaden beschützt. Dementsprechend ist der Staat - im Sinne einer zentralen Organisation mit Macht zur Autoritätsausübung und einem Gewaltmonopol (wie Joel Migdal vorschlägt) nicht präsent auf der politischen Bühne in Palästina. ; In 1994, the Palestinian self-government was established on the Gaza Strip and West Bank (hereinafter WBGS) as result of Oslo process. One of its main challenges of that government was how to deal with this debilitating heritage whilst promoting institutions and institutional capacity building, both of which began gaining momentum from 1994 onwards. However, the reality of the Oslo process has meant that in fact what has occurred is a concentration of power into the hand of the ruling elite (Arafat and the small elite around him) at the expense of the majority of population who were denied access to national level institutions of state functions. This state of the political marginalization (or denationalization) of the majority of population hindered the emergence of a democratic political system based on the principles of the separation of powers, accountability, and transparency, and stifled the emergence of the rule of law. Arafat and the small elite around him had not only hindered the emergence of a democratic political system, and stifled the emergence of the rule of law, but also the emergence of a bureaucratic system with a recruitment system based on achievement rather than informal/irrational criteria (competence), highly specialized and differentiated administrative role of civil servants (differentiation), and well established and thoroughly understandable system of super-ordination and sub-ordination (hierarchy) as Max Weber suggests. In response, the opponents of Oslo process & Arafat- Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and PFLP-had strengthened their institutions, and started to practice Para-state functions parallel to PA institutions (as chapter V shows). These instituions are protected by the militia of the political party with which it is affiliated, like Izz El Din El Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, and others. Accordingly, State- in the term of central organization with the power of issuing authoritative binding legal rules and monopolizing coercion (as Joel Migdal suggests)- was absent from the Palestinian scene.
BASE
Systems-building before state-building: on the systemic preconditions of state-building
In: Conflict, security & development: CSD, Band 10, Heft 4, S. 519-545
ISSN: 1478-1174
State failure is often seen as due to endogenous factors, rather than systemic ones; correspondingly, the idea that states can be built by supporting internal processes and institutions alone is prevalent in policy documents and in some of the literature on state-building. This paper calls both assumptions into question. I demonstrate that three factors were important external preconditions of historical state formation: (1) effective states and sustainable regional security, which is expressed on an inter-state as well as a sub-state level, requires a region-wide creation of effective structures of state; (2) effective states and effective inter-state security require well-functioning states systems; (3) effective states require regional acceptance of the process of state-building. Analysing three contemporary countries and regions, Somalia/the Horn of Africa, Afghanistan/Central Asia and Namibia/ south-western Africa, the article concludes that state-building is substantially facilitated where these three contextual factors are in place. The absence of these external factors in the regions where Afghanistan and Somalia are located illuminate the depth of the problems facing these countries. In these cases regional structures are preconditions of state-building. Adapted from the source document.
Against State‐Building
In: Constellations: an international journal of critical and democratic theory, Band 15, Heft 4, S. 517-542
ISSN: 1467-8675
Runaway State Building
In: European political science: EPS ; serving the political science community ; a journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 439-445
ISSN: 1680-4333
State‐Building Nationalism
In: Containing Nationalism, S. 56-69
State building in Scandinavia
In: Comparative politics, Band 26, S. 203-220
ISSN: 0010-4159
Why liberal tendencies in politics and society have been stronger in Denmark than in Sweden. Compares development of the military, civil administration, and mass politics.
State building in Scandinavia
In: Comparative politics, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 203-220
ISSN: 0010-4159
World Affairs Online
State Building in Scandinavia
In: Comparative politics, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 203
ISSN: 2151-6227
World Affairs Online
Subcontracting State-Building
In: Small wars & insurgencies, Band 28, Heft 4-5, S. 887-905
ISSN: 1743-9558
American State Building
In: The Unsustainable American State, S. 299-316