Suchergebnisse

A radical reform of the education system, one of the pillars of the four major reforms of Jerzy Buzek's government, followed by a reform of the core curriculum by Minister Katarzyna Hall, and finally a controversial reform by Anna Zalewska under which some middle-level schools in operation since 1999 are being shut down are events covered in numerous publications, among them in leading opinion weeklies in Poland. One of such weeklies is "Polityka," published continuously since 1957, where dozens of articles on education and reforms have been published over the last 20 years. The article is a concise analysis of the texts published in "Polityka", the issues raised and the authors' attitudes to the changes introduced in the subsequent years to the Polish education system. ; A radical reform of the education system, one of the pillars of the four major reforms of Jerzy Buzek's government, followed by a reform of the core curriculum by Minister Katarzyna Hall, and finally a controversial reform by Anna Zalewska under which some middle-level schools in operation since 1999 are being shut down are events covered in numerous publications, among them in leading opinion weeklies in Poland. One of such weeklies is "Polityka," published continuously since 1957, where dozens of articles on education and reforms have been published over the last 20 years. The article is a concise analysis of the texts published in "Polityka", the issues raised and the authors' attitudes to the changes introduced in the subsequent years to the Polish education system.

Artykuł poświęcony jest reformie szkolnictwa wyższego zapoczątkowanej przez Proces Boloński. Autorka odwołuje się w swej analizie bezpośrednio do podstawowych dokumentów Procesu Bolońskiego i wykorzystuje pojęcie ukrytego programu (hidden curriculum). Teza pracy jest następująca: reformy strukturalne szkół wyższych w dłuższej perspektywie w istotny sposób wpłyną na pozycję uniwersytetu w europejskich społeczeństwach, a także na dyspozycje intelektualne jego absolwentów. Ukryty program uniwersytetów Europejskiego Obszaru Szkolnictwa Wyższego polega na podporządkowaniu edukacji wyższej celom gospodarczym i społeczno-politycznym, a nie naukowym. ; This paper discusses the higher education reform initiated by the Bologna Process. In her analysis, the author invokes the core Bologna documents and reflects on the notion of a hidden curriculum, positing that structural reforms in schools of higher education will, in the long run, significantly influence the position of universities in European societies, as well as intellectual dispositions of graduates. The hidden curriculum of universities within the European Area of Higher Education means that education is employed to serve higher- level economic and socio-political rather than scientific goals.

The Author discusses dilemmas, difficulties and effects of the higher education and scientific institutions reform, that was launched two years ago. First, he points out the differences of solutions accepted by higher education and scientific institutions in Poland after the Second World War, as compared to the Soviet model. Having outlined the basic assumptions of the reform, the Author discusses the controversial issue of the scope of the state interventionism in both areas. He pays attention to the external obstacles, i.e., obstacles localized outside the system of scientific and higher education institutions, which influence formulation of policy toward such institutions. Also, he examines internal constrains of structural, organizational, societal and financial character. Next, the Author presents the genuine function of various financial mechanisms, their methods of application and coherence ratios. Also, dilemmas concerning applicability of competition rules in case of scientific activities and the question of research evaluation are discussed. He discusses the issue of transformation of scientific and educational institutions, examines factors hampering or keeping back the transformation process. The last paragraph of the paper presents issues concerning research and teaching staff - limits to the personnel management, selection procedures, barriers to young employees flow and aging of academicians. ; Autor omawia dylematy, trudności i konsekwencje reform zapoczątkowanych przed dwoma laty w Polsce w sferze nauki i szkolnictwa wyższego. Na wstępie pokazuje, w jakim stopniu kształtowane przez 40 lat po wojnie polskie rozwiązania w dziedzinie szkolnictwa i nauki różniły się od radzieckiego pierwowzoru. Po zarysowaniu podstawowych założeń reform autor przechodzi do omówienia kontrowersyjnego problemu - zakresu interwencji państwa w obu sferach. Zwraca uwagę na trudności zewnętrzne - tkwiące poza samą nauką - tworzenia polityki naukowej, a także na ograniczenia strukturalno-organizacyjne, społeczne i finansowe zawarte w systemie nauki. W dalszej części artykułu autor ukazuje rzeczywistą rolę mechanizmów finansowania nauki i szkolnictwa wyższego, sposób ich stosowania, stopień spójności, a także kłopoty związane z realizacją zasad konkurencji i oceny badań naukowych. Omawia problemy przebudowy instytucji badawczych i edukacyjnych oraz czynniki utrudniające lub opóźniające proces restrukturyzacji. W końcowej części artykułu przedstawia zagadnienia dotyczące personelu badawczego i nauczającego - ograniczenia polityki kadrowej, mechanizmów selekcji, bariery dopływu młodej kadry i starzenie się personelu.

The author explores the problem of territorial reorganization of the metropolitan area within the Canadian evolutionary federal system, taking as an example the cities of Toronto and Montreal. The results of the research indicate that adaptation strategies, applied by states aiming at empowering the metropolis, depend on the general level of the territorial units' autonomy. The existence of strong local self-government favours creation of intercommunal cooperation structures without dissolution of current local territorial units. Territorial reorganization in the case of states with a low level of local autonomy may facilitate elimination of former local units by theirs amalgamation in new, larger metropolitan self-government structures. As far as this context is concerned, Canada constitutes a very interesting study case. Taking into consideration Canadian evolutionary federal system, highly limited local autonomy of the cities, and its mix of European and American traditions, one can observe almost all the above-mentioned dimensions of reform and adaptation strategies. Advanced and institutionalized intercommunal cooperation, developed in Toronto and Montreal in the middle of the 20th century, was interrupted by amalgamation imposed by provincial government, which resulted in creation of new, enlarged metropolitan cities of Toronto in 1998 and Montreal in 2002. In both cases the amalgamation has not been accepted by a part of the population and destabilized cooperation in these metropolitan areas. The trouble with amalgamation led to abandonment of further structural and territorial reforms, which were replaced by functional ones, taking the form of special agreements between Toronto and Montreal and their respective provinces (Ontario and Quebec), giving them both new competences and financial resources. Regardless of any difficulties in pursuing an appropriate metropolitan regime and the suitable position for the metropolis in the structure of a political and territorial system, both cities have achieved strong economic performance and high quality of life.

The conception of local self-government contained in the law of March 8, 1990, refers to the tradition of Polish self-government and yet meets the requirements provided for in the European Local Government Charter. The .atbove makes it possible, on the one hand, to return to the institutions previously known to the Polish law, and, on the other, to compare them with their European counterparts. The re-instatement of self-government has brought back to light the issue of duality of public administration and its division into government and selfgovernment administration. In view of the principle in force in the former political regime namely the principle of "unity of government on the level of a locality, the solution to the problem of duality is far from easy". New legislation creates grounds for a new, structurally diversified model of state administration. At the Województwo level (the highest unit of local organization), there operates a nominated official, Wojewoda, the organ of government administration, whereas at a local level — in gmina — the ,,basic form of organization of public activity" is local self-government. The duality of administration manifests itself in many legislative acts. The most important of them are: the Act on Local Self-Government and the Act on Government Administration; mention should also be made about the Act on division of tasks and powers between various organs representing basically different types of administration, etc. Some issues posed by the model require further amendments. Problems of particular gravity arise in connection with the question of regions as subsidiary units of basic administrative division of the country, created to further the tasks of government administration at a local level, the absence of deep structural reforms at a central government level, the absence of a clear determination of position of government administration vis-a vis self-government, disputable budgetary and financial solutions, etc. All this leads to the conclusion that the legislative conception of duality of state administration is not sufficiently clear. Neverheless, it is beyond doubt that the new structure of administration is presently in its formative period. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The political and economic reforms in Russia since the beginning of the 1990s have made it possible to build a new economic system. Over more than 25 years, this system has evolved under the influence of, among others, economic and financial crises, which resulted in changes in the role of the state, ownership structure and the specificity of the corporate sector. The main goal of the paper is to identify the key elements and features of the economic system in Russia in the specified stages of its evolution and to indicate the perspectives of changes. To achieve this goal, an in-depth analysis was made of the literature and statistical data. The author puts forward the thesis that there are still some premises of the evolution of the economic system in Russia which resulted from the need for structural changes and the exhaustion of the current model of economic growth. However, in the immediate future, the economic system in Russia will not evolve significantly because of the economic stability and the lack of political will to make significant reforms.

The political and economic reforms in Russia since the beginning of the 1990s have made it possible to build a new economic system. Over more than 25 years, this system has evolved under the influence of, among others, economic and financial crises, which resulted in changes in the role of the state, ownership structure and the specificity of the corporate sector. The main goal of the paper is to identify the key elements and features of the economic system in Russia in the specified stages of its evolution and to indicate the perspectives of changes. To achieve this goal, an in-depth analysis was made of the literature and statistical data. The author puts forward the thesis that there are still some premises of the evolution of the economic system in Russia which resulted from the need for structural changes and the exhaustion of the current model of economic growth. However, in the immediate future, the economic system in Russia will not evolve significantly because of the economic stability and the lack of political will to make significant reforms.

Artykuł przedstawia zmiany systemowe wprowadzone w Polsce po 1989 r., które umożliwiły przejście z gospodarki centralnie sterowanej do wolnorynkowej. Podjęcie głębokich i szerokim reform o charakterze prawnym, gospodarczym i społecznym pozwoliło na ukształtowanie demokratycznego ustroju po wielu latach sprawowania władzy komunistycznej. Transformacja systemowa była możliwa dzięki znaczącym przemianom podstaw prawnych, począwszy od zmian w ustawie zasadniczej, określającej istotę prawa własności i obowiązek jego poszanowania, poprzez uchwalenie innych aktów prawnych koniecznych do zmiany stosunków własnościowych (takich jak ustawy o komercjalizacji i prywatyzacji przedsiębiorstw państwowych, prawa o działalności gospodarczej czy ustawy o gospodarowaniu nieruchomościami rolnymi). Równoległe reformy systemu bankowego oraz polityki pieniężno-kredytowej umożliwiły napływ kapitału zagranicznego i pozwoliły na rozwój prywatnej przedsiębiorczości. W wyniku przemian ustrojowych, jakie zaszły w ostatnich 25 latach, Polska jako demokratyczne państwo prawa jest członkiem Unii Europejskiej, a polska gospodarka rynkowa staje się coraz bardziej konkurencyjna. Niestety, mimo głębokich przekształceń w sferze własnościowej, Polska przez ostatnie ćwierćwiecze nie rozwiązała kwestii zwrotu prawowitym właścicielom własności przejętej bezprawnie przez władze komunistyczne. ; This paper presents structural changes that took place in Poland after 1989, and which enabled its transition from a centrally planned economy to a market economy. The deep and thorough legal, economic and social reforms undertaken in that period made it possible, after years of communist rule, to shape a new, democratic system. The systemic transformation was possibleowing to some basic amendments to the Constitution, including the articles defining the essence of ownership and the duty to respect it, as well as the adoption of other legal acts necessary to re-define ownership relationships (such as the law on commercialisation and privatisation of state-owned enterprises, or the law on the management of agricultural property). The concurrent reforms of the banking system and the monetary and credit policy enabled inflow of foreign capital and development of private entrepreneurship. As a result of the transformations of the past 25 years, Poland is now a democratic state and a member of the European Union, while Polish economy is getting increasingly competitive. Sadly enough, despite these substantial structural transformations in the ownership sphere, in the last quarter of the century Poland has continued to be unable to resolve the problem of returning to the lawful owners the property taken by the communist regime.

The aim of the article is to analyse the assumptions and results of the reform of the basic territorial division of the state carried out in Norway in 2016–2020, creating a new structure of municipal and regional self-government with a simultaneous change in some of the tasks carried out at both levels. The analysis is based on the assumptions and categories of neo-institutional methodology. The main thesis of the article is contained in the statement that the process of structural consolidation of local government units is theoretically and practically inevitable, because it is carried out in order to optimise the implementation of public services and increase the welfare of local communities. Its pragmatic and efficient execution with the participation of local communities is necessary to follow the contemporary stage of socio-economic and political development.

Poland has been a full member of the European Union for five years already. One of the results of this membership is the opportunity to obtain co-financing for domestic investments and activities, provided via structural funds. Both Polish society and potential beneficiaries (e.g. businesses, provinces, institutions, NGOs) have enormous expectations in this respect. However, these expectations are not based on genuine awareness of the objectives of the EU's financial instruments, the principles of their planning, implementation, or their actual impact. Since the significance of EU cohesion policy among other EU policies continues to rise, it is necessary to examine its present shape and compare it with the former budget programming period. This will allow one to envisage the direction this policy is taking, as it is shaped by the subsequent reforms. Additionally, this knowledge may be crucial at present, when the funds provided by the EU's' financial perspective 2007–2013 are being spent, and it may also be useful in the near future, during the negotiations on the shape of cohesion policy after 2013, also including the subject of Poland's maintaining the status of one of the largest beneficiaries of the Union's financial support. ; Poland has been a full member of the European Union for five years already. One of the results of this membership is the opportunity to obtain co-financing for domestic investments and activities, provided via structural funds. Both Polish society and potential beneficiaries (e.g. businesses, provinces, institutions, NGOs) have enormous expectations in this respect. However, these expectations are not based on genuine awareness of the objectives of the EU's financial instruments, the principles of their planning, implementation, or their actual impact. Since the significance of EU cohesion policy among other EU policies continues to rise, it is necessary to examine its present shape and compare it with the former budget programming period. This will allow one to envisage the direction this policy is taking, as it is shaped by the subsequent reforms. Additionally, this knowledge may be crucial at present, when the funds provided by the EU's' financial perspective 2007–2013 are being spent, and it may also be useful in the near future, during the negotiations on the shape of cohesion policy after 2013, also including the subject of Poland's maintaining the status of one of the largest beneficiaries of the Union's financial support.

W wielu państwach europejskich w okresie ostatnich kilkudziesięciu lat zauważyć można transformację lokalnej demokracji przedstawicielskiej. Jest to zarówno wynikiem wdrożenia reform inspirowanych koncepcjami Nowego Zarządzania Publicznego (New Public Management), lokalnego współrządzenia (local governance), zmian o charakterze strukturalno-funkcjonalnym, jak i poszerzających się mechanizmów uczestnictwa obywatelskiego. Ostatnia z tendencji w sposób szczególnie wyraźny uwidacznia się w Polsce, w samorządach dużych miast. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie stosunku radnych do idei i mechanizmów partycypacji obywatelskiej oraz określenie stopnia wpływu tychże na pozycję i rolę rad w procesie rządzenia. Artykuł opiera się na badaniach empirycznych przeprowadzonych w 18 miastach polskich. Wyniki badań wskazują, że radni miejscy generalnie popierają ideę szerszego angażowania mieszkańców w proces decyzyjny. Większość z nich uznaje jednak funkcjonujące w ich miastach formy uczestnictwa obywatelskiego za wystarczające, postulując jednocześnie usprawnienie ich działania. ; Over recent decades, many European countries have witnessed a transformation of local representative democracy. This has resulted both from the reforms inspired by the concepts of New Public Management, local governance, structural and functional changes as well as the expanding mechanisms of citizen participation. The latter trend is especially visible in large Polish cities. The main objectives of this article are to present the attitude of city councilors towards the concept and mechanisms of citizen participation and to examine whether this 'extended participation' influences the status and role played by city councils in the governing process. The article is based on empirical research conducted in 18 Polish cities. The results indicate that elected representatives, in general, support the idea of 'citizens' involvement in the decision-making process. Most of them, however, recognize the current mechanisms of civic engagement as sufficient, promoting the need to streamline their operation.

Over recent decades, many European countries have witnessed a transformation of local representative democracy. This has resulted both from the reforms inspired by the concepts of New Public Management, local governance, structural and functional changes as well as the expanding mechanisms of citizen participation. The latter trend is especially visible in large Polish cities. The main objectives of this article are to present the attitude of city councilors towards the concept and mechanisms of citizen participation and to examine whether this 'extended participation' influences the status and role played by city councils in the governing process. The article is based on empirical research conducted in 18 Polish cities. The results indicate that elected representatives, in general, support the idea of 'citizens' involvement in the decision-making process. Most of them, however, recognize the current mechanisms of civic engagement as sufficient, promoting the need to streamline their operation. ; W wielu państwach europejskich w okresie ostatnich kilkudziesięciu lat zauważyć można transformację lokalnej demokracji przedstawicielskiej. Jest to zarówno wynikiem wdrożenia reform inspirowanych koncepcjami Nowego Zarządzania Publicznego (New Public Management), lokalnego współrządzenia (local governance), zmian o charakterze strukturalno-funkcjonalnym, jak i poszerzających się mechanizmów uczestnictwa obywatelskiego. Ostatnia z tendencji w sposób szczególnie wyraźny uwidacznia się w Polsce, w samorządach dużych miast. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie stosunku radnych do idei i mechanizmów partycypacji obywatelskiej oraz określenie stopnia wpływu tychże na pozycję i rolę rad w procesie rządzenia. Artykuł opiera się na badaniach empirycznych przeprowadzonych w 18 miastach polskich. Wyniki badań wskazują, że radni miejscy generalnie popierają ideę szerszego angażowania mieszkańców w proces decyzyjny. Większość z nich uznaje jednak funkcjonujące w ich miastach formy uczestnictwa obywatelskiego za wystarczające, postulując jednocześnie usprawnienie ich działania.

Poland has been a full member of the European Union for five years already. One of the results of this membership is the opportunity to obtain co-financing for domestic investments and activities, provided via structural funds. Both Polish society and potential beneficiaries (e.g. businesses, provinces, institutions, NGOs) have enormous expectations in this respect. However, these expectations are not based on genuine awareness of the objectives of the EU's financial instruments, the principles of their planning, implementation, or their actual impact. Since the significance of EU cohesion policy among other EU policies continues to rise, it is necessary to examine its present shape and compare it with the former budget programming period. This will al- low one to envisage the direction this policy is taking, as it is shaped by the subsequent reforms. Additionally, this knowledge may be crucial at present, when the funds pro- vided by the EU's' financial perspective 2007–2013 are being spent, and it may also be useful in the near future, during the negotiations on the shape of cohesion policy after 2013, also including the subject of Poland's maintaining the status of one of the largest beneficiaries of the Union's financial support.

May 2019 marked the 10th anniversary of the launch of the European Union's Eastern Partnership initiative, which encourages democratic reforms in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and the strengthening of the relations and cooperation between these countries and the EU. During this period, significant results were achieved in terms of political association, economic relations and regulatory convergence. Thanks to this initiative, Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine signed association and free trade area agreements (DCFTAs) and achieved visa-free travel. One of the main drawbacks of the programme at this stage is that it does not provide for a differentiated approach towards partner countries and deeper cooperation with those already signatory to Association Agreements. The anniversary of the Eastern Partnership encourages to take stock of the results of the initiative and identify perspectives for its further development. The aim of this article is to identify the main achievements of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of Ukraine's priorities and interests, as well as to propose a new effective model of relations between Ukraine and other partner countries with the EU under this initiative. The text sets out and analyses the main stages of the cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the years 1991–2019, especially the participation of Ukraine in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. The article shows that the Eastern Partnership policy and its implementation mechanisms need a structural review and differentiated, individual approaches that would meet the needs, expectations and interests of all the parties. If the EU intends to continue building mutually beneficial relations with its eastern neighbours, it should not only maintain the existing initiative, but also adapt it effectively to the challenges of the present. The EU should therefore develop a sufficiently attractive and effective model of cooperation to support pro-European reforms in its partner countries.

W artykule Republika Serbii w kontekście kryteriów kopenhaskich – studium politologiczno-prawne za główny cel badawczy przyjęto ustalenie stopnia implementacji kryteriów kopenhaskich przyjętych w 1993 roku przez Radę Europejską w rozwiązaniach ustrojowych Republiki Serbii. W związku z powyższym zwrócono uwagę na, po pierwsze, sytuację Serbii w kontekście wymogów Unii Europejskiej, po drugie, oceniono zaplecze instytucjonalne dla akcesji do UE oraz wskazano na najważniejsze zastrzeżenia będące poważnymi barierami stojącymi na przeszkodzie przystąpienia Republiki Serbii do Unii Europejskiej. W tym celu poddano analizie Rezolucję Parlamentu Europejskiego z 18 kwietnia 2013 roku. I chociaż Republika Serbii nie jest jeszcze w pełni przygotowana do członkostwa w UE, to jednakowoż pod warunkiem przeprowadzenia reform demokratycznych, systemowych i społeczno-gospodarczych cel ten może być osiągnięty.The primary research objective of this article was to establish the degree to which the Copenhagen criteria have been implemented in the structural solutions of the Republic of Serbia. The rules were defined by the European Council in 1993 and were intended for the candidate countries who were eligible to become member states of the European Union.It has been confirmed that in many fields Serbia is not fully prepared for obtaining the status of a full member of the EU, which stems from the fact that they still do not fully meet the requirements included in the Copenhagen criteria. However, the opinion of the European Union Parliament, in its resolution of 18 April 2013, should also be noted, which states that the legislative body is optimistic, as reflected in the following statement: "launching the negotiation talks to join the EU of June 2013, is an objective, which is possible to be achieved and calls the country for continuing the democratic, system, social and economic reforms, which will enable the effective fulfilment of your obligations resulting from the membership".