Campaign Contributions with Swing Voters
In: Economics & politics, Band 15, Heft 3, S. 285-302
ISSN: 0954-1985
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In: Economics & politics, Band 15, Heft 3, S. 285-302
ISSN: 0954-1985
In: Hampton Press communication series
In: Critical bodies
In: California journal: the monthly analysis of State government and politics, Band 34, Heft 9, S. 22-27
ISSN: 0008-1205
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 565-586
ISSN: 0022-278X
World Affairs Online
In: The PIPA/Knowledge Networks poll
World Affairs Online
In: Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics 68
"Ethnicity and Elections in Turkey attempts to understand the mobilization strategies of incumbent parties to consolidate and increase their support among swing voters of an ethnic group. By analyzing the strategy of AKP on voters of Kurdish origin, it investigates the conditions under which it can mobilize them through the clientelistic network and its effectiveness in increasing support for the party...
In: Public choice, Band 119, Heft 3-4, S. 281-310
ISSN: 0048-5829
Reform offers economic gains for society at large, but can represent a threat to the interests of public employees. Public sector reform faces opposition from voters employed in the public sector. Norwegian data allow for an analysis of this interpretation. Survey data show that public employees prefer less reform than the rest of the population. The voting behavior of public employees is more sensitive to reform than is that of other voters (the swing voter hypothesis), & hence: shares of public employees in a local jurisdiction have a negative impact on the probability of reform. 5 Tables, 1 Appendix, 28 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Public choice, Band 119, Heft 3, S. 281-310
ISSN: 0048-5829
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 60-61
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965
World Affairs Online
In: Scandinavian political studies: SPS ; a journal, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 161-184
ISSN: 0080-6757
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 60-62
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965
In: Asian survey: a bimonthly review of contemporary Asian affairs, Band 53, Heft 1, S. 184-197
ISSN: 0004-4687
World Affairs Online
In: The Washington quarterly, Band 27, Heft 1, S. 213-220
ISSN: 0163-660X, 0147-1465
Although the presidential election will be a referendum on the incumbent, as it always is, the 2004 campaign may shift from targeting swing voters to motivating activists & ideologues on each side. Adapted from the source document.
In: Working papers magazine, Band 8, S. 22-28
ISSN: 0091-1615, 0744-9836
In: Forum: A Journal of Applied Research in Contemporary Politics, Band 5, Heft 4, S. [np]
In recent years, a number of media commentators and scholars have blamed primary voters for the rise of polarization in American politics. According to this argument, primary electorates are dominated by strong partisans whose views are more extreme than those of rank-and-file party supporters. This article uses data from recent exit polls of primary and general election voters as well as the 2006 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to test the primary election polarization theory. The evidence does not support the theory. In fact there appears to be very little difference between the ideologies of each party's primary voters and the ideologies of its general election voters. These findings suggest that the polarized state of American politics today reflects the polarized state of the overall American electorate rather than any peculiar characteristics of primary voters. The findings also suggest that even after they secure their party's nomination, it may be risky for candidates to adopt more moderate policy positions in order to appeal to swing voters, because any such move toward the center would risk alienating a large proportion of their party's electoral base. Adapted from the source document.