Suchergebnisse

Using actual voting records of simultaneous elections held for federal and regional assemblies - where same political parties contest against each other in both type of elections - we identify the swing voters in an electoral constituency. We compare the Parliamentary performance of elected representatives who enjoy high level of support among swing voters and those who enjoy low level of support among such voters. We measure performance of an elected representative based on her level of activity in Parliament. Specifically, we use attendance, number of questions asked, number of debates participated in and number of private member bills introduced as metrics for measuring performance. We find that representatives who enjoy high level of support among swing voters outperform others significantly in terms of all four parameters that we examine. The above differences are not explained by differences in observable candidate characteristics. We also find that reelection chances are more sensitive to performance in high swing constituencies. The above findings show that the presence of swing voters enhances the effectiveness of democratic institutions by significantly increasing activity level of such institutions.

"Ethnicity and Elections in Turkey attempts to understand the mobilization strategies of incumbent parties to consolidate and increase their support among swing voters of an ethnic group. By analyzing the strategy of AKP on voters of Kurdish origin, it investigates the conditions under which it can mobilize them through the clientelistic network and its effectiveness in increasing support for the party.

Ethnicity and Elections in Turkey attempts to understand the mobilization strategies of incumbent parties to consolidate and increase their support among swing voters of an ethnic group. By analyzing the strategy of AKP on voters of Kurdish origin, it investigates the conditions under which it can mobilize them through the clientelistic network and its effectiveness in increasing support for the party. This investigation is conducted through a district and neighborhood level case study conducted in the districts of Beyoğlu, Sancaktepe and Beykoz situated in Istanbul. The main hypotheses are te

"Ethnicity and Elections in Turkey attempts to understand the mobilization strategies of incumbent parties to consolidate and increase their support among swing voters of an ethnic group. By analyzing the strategy of AKP on voters of Kurdish origin, it investigates the conditions under which it can mobilize them through the clientelistic network and its effectiveness in increasing support for the party...

Reform offers economic gains for society at large, but can represent a threat to the interests of public employees. Public sector reform faces opposition from voters employed in the public sector. Norwegian data allow for an analysis of this interpretation. Survey data show that public employees prefer less reform than the rest of the population. The voting behavior of public employees is more sensitive to reform than is that of other voters (the swing voter hypothesis), & hence: shares of public employees in a local jurisdiction have a negative impact on the probability of reform. 5 Tables, 1 Appendix, 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper investigates the democratic accountability mechanism. It is essential to democracy that voters are able to create a shift in national political power through an election when they are dissatisfied with the performance of the current government. The question is who can trigger such a shift in Japan's 2009 LH election: knowledgeable or uninformed voters? Our result shows that swing voters are neither outstandingly knowledgeable nor ideal citizens. The study's findings on political knowledge indicate that they are very ordinary people. On the other hand, the DPJ stayers in the study were more knowledgeable than average voters, and the LDP stayers and swing voters followed the DPJ stayers. Given the unpopularity of the cabinet at the time of the election, some people who regarded the DPJ as more capable of managing government swung from the LDP to the DPJ. Thus, swing voters in 2009 made the same voting choice as the DPJ stayers, who were the most politically knowledgeable. Should their decision be criticized, or did it make sense in terms of political knowledgeability? ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.

This study examines economic components of the support base for each party in Ghana's de facto two-party system. Most accounts of partisan voting in African democracies contend that some voters routinely support the same party because it rewards co-ethnics through patronage in the form of private and local community goods. A few recent studies have found that some voters vote retrospectively and sociotropically, rewarding or punishing the incumbent party on the basis of its overall performance in office. However, neither the ethno-clientelist account nor the performance assessment account addresses the possibility that African parties build their support bases around competing economic policy interests. Using a merged dataset from the Afrobarometer Survey Round 5 and district-level industrial employment and agricultural production data from Ghana, I find that it is economic interests by agricultural sub-sector that are highly predictive of parties' issue-based platforms. Voters who do not share a common interest with any of the main parties' key policies are most likely to switch party preferences election to election.