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The category of antisystemic actors is employed relatively often in political science. The aim of this article is two-fold. First, it criticizes the contemporary usage of "antisystemicity" as too self-contained an analytical concept. In order to demonstrate this, two key theoretical traditions of the term -- G. Sartori's classification of party systems & world-systemic ("Wallersteinian") research of international political economy & its challengers -- are described, analyzed & mutually compared. Their understanding of antisystemic protest is depicted in order to show some shortcomings & inadequacies of their usage of this category. Second, the article strives to theoretically & formally unfold, integrate & further develop the concept of antisystemic contention in order to clarify the modes of its usages for socio-political reality. This inquiry consists of analyses of three key factors of antisystemic collective action -- ie., its object, subject & relations in-between. The analysis of object is basically grounded in Luhmann's neofunctionalist theory of modernization. Based on a systems theory analysis of society, the article proceeds to grasp the subject-actor as a general & case insensitive category, thus connecting existing concepts of antisystemic political subjects. Further analyzed dimensions of antisystemic protest are its goals & forms of action, but also its penetration by politics & economy. In conclusion, a general three-dimensional typology of antisystemic collective action is drawn from preceding analyses & offered as a methodological tool for empirical research of political contention. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the definition & typology of anti-system parties. It is based on the classical definition by Giovanni Sartori, which is in my opinion not obsolete. On the contrary it is still very usable, but under the condition that we stay on the ground of party theory & party systems, & not transfer it to the field of democratic theory. The next part of the text focuses on Giovanni Capoccia's attempt in 2002 to modify Sartori's theory & create a new typology of anti-system parties is very interesting but not very progressive. It seems that Capoccia makes the same, or at least very similar, propositions as Sartori. I think we should call "anti-system" only those parties which conform to Sartori's rigorous definition. The parties conforming to Sartori's wide definition should not be named "anti-system" but rather "extreme." So, we have two separate categories of opposition parties: 1) anti-system, & 2) extreme. The first one is ideological opposition against the political system. The second is simply extreme, radical opposition against the government, or at the most, against some part of the political system, but not against the system as a whole. The second main proposition of the article concerns the problem of a typology of anti-system parties. According to the view mentioned above & based on Capoccia's typology, I have created a modified typology. It correlates two parameters, ideological & relational. The result is five types of parties: anti-system parties, extreme parties, irrelevant anti-system parties, camouflaged anti-system parties, & pro-system parties. Adapted from the source document.

The major purpose of the article is to assess the contribution of the study of parties and party arrangements in Southeast Asian and Oceanian (particularly Melanesian and Polynesian) polities to contemporary comparative party research, as well as to party theory-building. The sub-continental frameworks of Southeast Asia and Oceania offer a large range of opportunities for comparative enterprises. However, the development of innovative theorizing drawing from investigations into Southeast Asian and Oceanian party phenomena has been constrained by persisting inconsistencies in the conceptualization and/or categorization of party arrangements, and -- even more importantly -- by a low awareness of methodological and epistemological problems that are involved in cross-area comparisons. The authors argue that a reassessment of research strategies is needed in order to change this situation. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with concepts of the empirical threshold of representation as proposed by Rein Taagepera & the real threshold as proposed by Tomas Lebeda. Both empirical & real thresholds are operational methods of the actual threshold. The empirical threshold indicates the actual share of the vote which a party needs to have a fifty-fifty chance of gaining a seat. The real threshold indicates the minimal actual share of the vote which a party needs to gain representation. The author of the paper argues that real thresholds serve as an illustration of a hypothetical rather than a real situation & they do not always occur between the upper & the lower thresholds. The second part of the paper analyzes the original & the current electoral systems for the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament. While under the current electoral system a party with 6.15 per cent of the vote has a fifty-fifty chance of winning a seat within a district, the share was 4.36 per cent of the vote within the original electoral system. On the other hand, the national empirical threshold is lower under the current electoral system. This is caused by relatively large districts of the original system which are more hospitable to small parties at the district level, but not necessarily from the national perspective. Adapted from the source document.

Simmel's social theory, namely his formal sociology, has long been considered if not dead, then of little relevance for contemporary sociological theories. This study is an attempt at proving the contrary. Our aim is to show that Simmel's social ontology can be seen as a form of semiology, i.e. a complex body capable of integrating seemingly irreconcilable segments of society into a social science of signs, thus showing that his "social grammar" is a true social theory of sign systems. A keystone which helped us span the bridge between society and language, linguistics and sociology, was the concept of value. By dint of Simmel's theory of economic value we try to connect his social theory, on which it lies, with his theory of sign-money, which it supports. Simmel's social theory is based on an unorthodox concept of interaction, whose main qualities are that of perfect synchrony and unity that is dealt with by Simmel on the empirical as well as experience level. The puzzling term of form is revealed as Simmel's attempt to conceptually grasp this synchronic dimension of interaction. Simmel's theory of economic value is seen as an extension of Simmel's formal sociology. Simmel conceives value as a relation between two processes of valuation brought about within the exchange as a form of interaction. Money is the physical representation of this relation. To prove that Simmel's social theory can be regarded as a fully-grown theory of sign systems, as well as to elaborate our analysis of his social theory, we use the conceptual apparatus of Saussure's linguistics showing that not only does Simmel's theory imply all Saussure's key concepts, but it also solves some of its blind spots in contemporary sociology and spans the so far unsurpassable gulf between the individual and society or structure and development.

In connection to the process of the public administration reforms which take place in most of the European countries and also in connection to the "European administrative space", the issues of studying and mutually comparing administrative systems of various European countries, especially EU member countries, become more and more topical. They focus not only on purposeful and effective mutual use of experience in administrative systems improvements, but also on improving orientation in the already mentioned "European administrative space". There is nodue attention devoted so far to the systematic study of administrative systems of (other) European countries. Most of the publications which focus on this issue (mostly study books, study materials, or occassional articles) describe it only on a "descriptive" (mostly simplified) level. The cause of this lies in (apart from time and financial demands) significant complexity of the given issue, in terminological complications and in difficulties of getting adequate (essentially necessary) factography and in practically non-existing adequate methodology. Legal comparative jurisprudence and comparative studies of political systems might inspire onewhen developing the methodology. Even under the current situation, it would be efficient to pay more attention to the comparative studies of the structure of administrative systems, or to some selected areas of the public administration, for example to personnel systems in the public administration, financing public administration or administration of the public property. A thorough "stock -taking" of all the materials which have ever been published about this matter (even in different contexts) in our country orabroad might serve as a basis of these fragmented studies.

The paper explains the theory of bureaucracy developed by William A. Niskanen. While sociologist Max Weber's analysis treats bureaucrats as "eunuchs" or automatic machines responsible for public well-being, Niskanen tries to apply standard neoclassical economic models to explain the behavior of bureaucracy as a whole. With this background, he concludes that the bureaucracy will concentrate on bargaining processes with the sponsor & not on improving the quality of its services to the public. This is a simple explanation of why the bureaucratic organization provides systematically worse products & services to its customers than does the standard private firm operating on the market. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

This study is based on a comparative analysis of political elites' circulation in six countries -- Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Finland, the Netherlands & Great Britain during the 1993-2003 period. For the purposes of the comparison, in each case study the members of parliament or the lower chamber are chosen as a representative sample of the political elites. The comparative analysis assesses the correctness of the following hypothesis: The type of elites & their circulation is interrelated with the type of political system. The study is methodologically based on the modern theory of elites & its hypothesis that every type of political system is tightly connected with the type of political elites that exist within it, & that every type of political elites can be distinguished by a specific type of circulation. Thus, by measuring the circulation of political elites we can infer the type of political elites & even the type of political regime. This study assesses the circulation of parliamentary representatives in the six selected countries during the 1993-2003 period & finds out that in the Central European states the figures are clearly distinctive from the respective figures in the Western European states, thus confirming the original hypothesis. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

The essay deals with the development of theory in development economics as a subdiscipline of international economics, within the context of general economic theory. Although some authors believe that it started to develop during the 19th century (as some Latin American countries gained their independence at this time), most authors connect its origin with the decolonization process of the 1950s. The first part describes its rather "naive" beginnings, when it was believed that it is possible to discover a universal theory applicable to the whole "third world" -- such as theories of vicious circles of poverty, the best ways & tools for breaking them, etc. The second phase of development economics, spanning approximately 1970-1990, was characterized by disillusionment & produced a lot of mostly analytical works dealing with partial problems. The third stage (1990-present) has been characterized by a growing demand for the so-called new synthesis. As the authors believe, such a goal would be very difficult to achieve, but in essence, it is achievable by means of joint efforts based on the Millennium Development Goals, changes of international economic & political relations systems & changes in a wide range of global issues. Adapted from the source document.

The publication called "The Three Archetypes of European Social Policy" focuses on three institutions of benevolence, which have been continuously developed from antiquity to the present day and which have created the basis of today's complex systems of social policies. Such institution are the gift (or alms), the work (or range of livelihood), and the loan. Text describes and explains their historical transformations with particular attention to their reflection in economic theory. The publication connects older and newer institutions of social policy and shows them as a part of single long-term development of European economy and society

The article discusses the concept of cleavages in the 21st century. Cleavages are understood as the criteria dividing members of a community or sub-community into groups. The application of the original Lipset & Rokkan cleavage theory on the current socio-political reality can be done only with difficulties, or at the price of considerable simplification (which is the consequence of the defreezing of party systems). Therefore on the basis of the work of Mair & Bartolini, the article looks for the criteria "that makes cleavage a cleavage." Furthermore, using the example of the digital divide concept, it is shown there are at present latent cleavages in society, but their "strength" & importance is dependent on their saliency (in connection with political actor behavior). This leads to the assumption that current cleavages are "dynamic" rather than "static.". Adapted from the source document.

Owing to the collapse of Cold War security systems, nuclear weapons proliferation remains an issue that attracts significant attention from scholars. The falling technological threshold for "rogue" states and increasing availability to terrorists keeps proliferation high on the scientific agenda (although the situation in the Czech Republic differs considerably). The pivotal point of the debate is theory. This paper introduces and critically discusses the most important theoretical approaches to nuclear weapons proliferation. The text successively examines theories based on technological determinants, external determinants, domestic determinants and last but not least alternative approaches that take into account concepts such as identity, beliefs and norms. The conclusion of the paper is that single-variable approaches to nuclear weapons proliferation are unable to offer appropriate explanations of the issue. Research should reflect the multivariable nature of the subject. Adapted from the source document.