Suchergebnisse

In our pol'al system of representative gov, ultimate responsibility for gov finances rests with the people. In exercising this responsibility the citizen faces problems of performance, control, &, particularly, choice of programs. Gradually, over the past cent, he has evolved organized ways to exercise these functions. But the Depression of the 1930's & WWII released many new forces & created new situations which tend to baffle the citizen in the exercise of his responsibility. These new problems arise from the shift in power & influence from state & local gov's to the federal gov. They include complexity & centralization, the weakening of state & local gov's, & the emergence of new forces such as the 'new econ's,' collective bargaining with public employees, & a general blunting of the traditional yardstick of measuring expenditures against taxes to be paid. These problems have severe implications for the role of the citizen in the future. More & more, he needs help to understand the issues. This help can be supplied by citizen org's. But even more, he needs to be stimulated to an active interest in gov problems that now loom so large & threaten to frustrate his ability to cope with them. HA.

Advertising--Undisclosed Use of Simulations In Television Commercials--a Deceptive Practice ============================== Antitrust Law--News Service Package Contract, a Tying Arrangement under Section I of the Sherman Act ============================== Antitrust--Union-Employer Agreements as to Labor Demands To Be Sought From Other Employers ============================== Constitutional Law--Laws Prohibiting the Use of Contraceptives by Married Couples for the Prevention of Conception Are Unconstitutional ============================== Constitutional Law--Rights of Addressee To Receive "Communist Political Propaganda" Protected Under First Amendment ============================== Federal Courts--Erie Doctrine Not the Test for Applicability of Federal Rules of Civil Procedure ============================== Constitutional Law--Televising of Criminal Trials Held Violative of the Right to a Fair Trial ============================== Labor Law--National Labor Relations Act--Bargaining Lockout of a Single Employer Held Valid ============================== Power To Compel United States Attorney To Sign Indictments Returned by Grand Jury ============================== Taxation--Federal Excise Tax-Discrimination and Abuse of Discretion Under Section 7805(b) ============================== Taxation--Federal Income Taxation-Attorneys' Fees Incurred in the Unsuccessful Defense of a Criminal Prosecution Deductible Under Section 162 ============================== Torts--Government Tort Immunity--Statement of a Cause of Action for Injuries Resulting From Assault by Police Dog

The innovation of the 21st century has no longer as a mere objective the survival of companies in the market and the stimulation of the growth at the country level. From now on, there is an urgent need to preserve the environment to ensure the development of present and future generations. Therefore, several empirical studies and theoretical accounts place the matter at the heart of innovation and economics fields of research. The first objective of this dissertation is to examine how ‐at a microeconomic level‐ the emergence and diffusion of environmental innovations is impacted by strategic inter‐firm relationships within supply‐chains. In order to achieve this goal, the first chapter shows that a monopoly maintains on the market a low‐quality product in the sole intention to increase his bargaining power against a supplier offering a drastic innovation ‐a costless high‐quality product‐. The second chapter explains how bargaining powers between vertically related firms can influence the adoption choice of environmental technology leading to a sub‐optimal level of depollution or welfare. To deal with this situation, the regulator must adapt its regulatory policy ‐a tax in this case‐ to modify the choice of the polluting firm. However, its intervention may prove insufficient under certain conditions. The second objective of the dissertation is developed in the third chapter which identifies theoretically and empirically the macroeconomic determinants of environmental innovations in order to help the regulator to better target its interventions. ; L'innovation du 21ème siècle n'a plus comme simple objectif la survie des entreprises sur le marché et la relance de la croissance des pays. Désormais, elle doit, en plus, préserver l'environnement pour assurer le développement des générations actuelles et futures. Cette nouvelle tâche la place au centre des recherches d'innombrables travaux mobilisant les champs de l'économie de l'innovation et de l'économie environnementale. L'ambition de cette thèse est, dans un ...

Democratic political economy in the United States -- Taxing, spending, regulating -- Government and the economy -- The politics of economic policy -- Neoliberal shifts and the Reagan era -- High-stakes politics, 1990-2008 -- Financial crisis and the Obama years -- The Trump turn -- The path of America's democracy.

1. The Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development: An Introduction -- Part I: Domestic Resource Mobilization through the Lens of Aid, Taxation and Mineral Rents -- 2. Fiscal Capacity and Aid Allocation: Domestic Resource Mobilization and Foreign Aid in Developing Countries -- 3. Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Transfers in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can Foreign Aid Act as a Catalyst? -- 4. How Can Governments of Low-Income Countries Collect More Tax Revenue? -- 5. Colonial Legacies and Social Welfare Regimes in Africa: An Empirical Exercise. -- 6. Democratic Deepening and State Capacity: Taxation in Brazil and India -- 7. Power and Politics: Taxation, Social, and Labour Market Policies in Argentina and Chile, 1990-2010 -- 8. Sharing the Wealth: The Politics of Subnational Distribution of Natural Resource Revenues -- Part II: The Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization: Case Studies -- 9. Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development in Bolivia (1985-2014): Protests, Hydrocarbons and a New State Project -- 10. The Political Economy of Domestic Resource Mobilization in Nicaragua: Changing State-Citizen Relations and Social Development -- 11. The Political Economy of Resource Mobilization for Social Development in Uganda -- 12. The Politics of Resource Bargaining, Social Relations and Institutional Development in Zimbabwe Since Independence -- 13. The Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development – Conclusions.

We study nonstationary dynamic decentralized markets with adverse selection in which trade is bilateral and prices are determined by bargaining. Examples include labor markets, housing markets, and markets for financial assets. We characterize equilibrium, and identify the dynamics of transaction prices, trading patterns, and the average quality in the market. When the horizon is finite, the surplus in the unique equilibrium exceeds the competitive surplus; as traders become perfectly patient, the market becomes completely illiquid at all but the first and last dates, but the surplus remains above the competitive surplus. When the horizon is infinite, the surplus realized equals the static competitive surplus. We study policies aimed at improving market performance, and show that subsidies to low quality or to trades at a low price, taxes on high quality, restrictions on trading opportunities, or government purchases may raise the surplus. In contrast, interventions like the Public-Private Investment Program for Legacy Assets reduce the surplus when traders are patient. ; We gratefully ac-knowledge financial support from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation, Grant ECO2011-29762.Wooders is grateful for financial support from the Australian Research Council's Discovery Projects fundingscheme (project number DP140103566).

This article discusses how the Made in Italy brand helped Italy to recover from economic recession in the 1980s, but also how it redefined the country's identity after the traumatic years of terrorism and especially after the murder of the Christian Democratic Party Secretary, Aldo Moro, at the hands of the Red Brigades. In this period cinema as a form of artistic achievement declined, while fashion and industrial design moved at the centre stage of economic and creative success. The rampant consumerism of the 1980s, fuelled by tax reforms that favoured a wider urban middle class, the retreat of unionism, the abandonment of collective bargaining in many industrial sectors, industrial restructuring with the consequent growth of black market economy in the provincial areas of the so-called Third Italy first and the South later, were all factors that contributed to a social and economic shift within Italy itself.
Commercial consumption, propagated by the proliferation of local commercial television networks, hedonism and a re-articulation of identity through appearance replaced the 1970s' political activism and ideological opposition to fashion. Ultimately, 'Made in Italy' was a multidimensional phenomenon that presented itself as a new cultural model for the country's political tribes of the 1970s.

This article discusses how the Made in Italy brand helped Italy to recover from economic recession in the 1980s, but also how it redefined the country's identity after the traumatic years of terrorism and especially after the murder of the Christian Democratic Party Secretary, Aldo Moro, at the hands of the Red Brigades. In this period cinema as a form of artistic achievement declined, while fashion and industrial design moved at the centre stage of economic and creative success. The rampant consumerism of the 1980s, fuelled by tax reforms that favoured a wider urban middle class, the retreat of unionism, the abandonment of collective bargaining in many industrial sectors, industrial restructuring with the consequent growth of black market economy in the provincial areas of the so-called Third Italy first and the South later, were all factors that contributed to a social and economic shift within Italy itself. Commercial consumption, propagated by the proliferation of local commercial television networks, hedonism and a re-articulation of identity through appearance replaced the 1970s' political activism and ideological opposition to fashion. Ultimately, 'Made in Italy' was a multidimensional phenomenon that presented itself as a new cultural model for the country's political tribes of the 1970s.

This paper investigates the role of institutions for labour market performance across European countries. As participation rates have been rather stable over the past, the unemployment problem is mainly caused by shortages in labour demand. Labour demand is expressed by its structural parameters, such as the elasticities of employment to output and factor prices. Institutional variables include employment protection legislation, the structure of wage bargaining, measures describing the tax and transfer system and active labour market policies. As cointegration between employment, output and factor prices is detected, labour demand equations are fitted in levels by efficient estimation techniques. To account for possible structural change, time varying parameter models and aysmmetries due to the business cycle situation are considered. Then, labour demand elasticities are explained by institutions using panel fixed effects regressions. The results suggest that higher flexibility and incentives of households to work appear to be appropriate strategies to improve the employment record. The employment response to economic conditions is stronger in a more deregulated environment, and the absorption of shocks can be relieved. However, the institutional database should be improved in order to arrive at more definite policy conclusions.

In our political system of representative govern ment, ultimate responsibility for government finances rests with the people. In exercising this responsibility the citizen faces problems of performance, control, and, particularly, choice of programs. Gradually, over the past century, he has evolved organized ways to exercise these functions. But the Depression of the 1930's and World War II released many new forces and created new situations which tend to baffle the citi zen in the exercise of his responsibility. These new problems arise from the shift in power and influence from state and local governments to the federal government. They include com plexity and centralization, the weakening of state and local governments, and the emergence of new forces such as the "new economics," collective bargaining with public employees, and a general blunting of the traditional yardstick of measuring expenditures against taxes to be paid. These problems have severe implications for the role of the citizen in the future. More and more, he needs help to understand the issues. This help can be supplied by citizen organizations. But even more, he needs to be stimulated to an active interest in government problems, that now loom so large and threaten to frustrate his ability to cope with them.

Equal intra-household sharing is still assumed by the vaste majority of applied analyses in welfare economics. Few pieces of work have tried to depart from the equal sharing hypothesis, but their impact has been limited by lack of data or restricted application to special cases. This paper proposes a new framework to derive sharing rules based on individual bargaining power. The latter is defined for each household member as the share of resources gained by the household due to his/her presence. The causes of power differentials and their impact on income distribution are analysed in four EU countries presenting significantly different tax-benefit systems: Finland, Italy, Germany and the United Kingdom. ; La répartition égalitaire des ressources à l'intérieur du ménage est l'hypothèse la plus communément employée dans l'économie du bien être. A ce jour, très peu de travaux ont tenté de la dépasser. Les résultats sont cependant limités du fait du manque de données appropriées ou du manque de généralité des modèles. Cet article propose un nouveau cadre d'analyse permettant de dériver la règle de partage à partir du pouvoir de négociation. Ce pouvoir est défini pour chaque composant du ménage comme la partie de ressources obtenue par le ménage grâce à sa présence. Les déterminants des différentiels de pouvoir et leurs impacts sur la distribution des revenus sont analysés pour quatre pays européens présentant des différences significatives en termes de systèmes de redistribution : Finlande, Italie, Allemagne et Royaume Uni.

Equal intra-household sharing is still assumed by the vaste majority of applied analyses in welfare economics. Few pieces of work have tried to depart from the equal sharing hypothesis, but their impact has been limited by lack of data or restricted application to special cases. This paper proposes a new framework to derive sharing rules based on individual bargaining power. The latter is defined for each household member as the share of resources gained by the household due to his/her presence. The causes of power differentials and their impact on income distribution are analysed in four EU countries presenting significantly different tax-benefit systems: Finland, Italy, Germany and the United Kingdom. ; La répartition égalitaire des ressources à l'intérieur du ménage est l'hypothèse la plus communément employée dans l'économie du bien être. A ce jour, très peu de travaux ont tenté de la dépasser. Les résultats sont cependant limités du fait du manque de données appropriées ou du manque de généralité des modèles. Cet article propose un nouveau cadre d'analyse permettant de dériver la règle de partage à partir du pouvoir de négociation. Ce pouvoir est défini pour chaque composant du ménage comme la partie de ressources obtenue par le ménage grâce à sa présence. Les déterminants des différentiels de pouvoir et leurs impacts sur la distribution des revenus sont analysés pour quatre pays européens présentant des différences significatives en termes de systèmes de redistribution : Finlande, Italie, Allemagne et Royaume Uni.

Equal intra-household sharing is still assumed by the vaste majority of applied analyses in welfare economics. Few pieces of work have tried to depart from the equal sharing hypothesis, but their impact has been limited by lack of data or restricted application to special cases. This paper proposes a new framework to derive sharing rules based on individual bargaining power. The latter is defined for each household member as the share of resources gained by the household due to his/her presence. The causes of power differentials and their impact on income distribution are analysed in four EU countries presenting significantly different tax-benefit systems: Finland, Italy, Germany and the United Kingdom. ; La répartition égalitaire des ressources à l'intérieur du ménage est l'hypothèse la plus communément employée dans l'économie du bien être. A ce jour, très peu de travaux ont tenté de la dépasser. Les résultats sont cependant limités du fait du manque de données appropriées ou du manque de généralité des modèles. Cet article propose un nouveau cadre d'analyse permettant de dériver la règle de partage à partir du pouvoir de négociation. Ce pouvoir est défini pour chaque composant du ménage comme la partie de ressources obtenue par le ménage grâce à sa présence. Les déterminants des différentiels de pouvoir et leurs impacts sur la distribution des revenus sont analysés pour quatre pays européens présentant des différences significatives en termes de systèmes de redistribution : Finlande, Italie, Allemagne et Royaume Uni.

Equal intra-household sharing is still assumed by the vaste majority of applied analyses in welfare economics. Few pieces of work have tried to depart from the equal sharing hypothesis, but their impact has been limited by lack of data or restricted application to special cases. This paper proposes a new framework to derive sharing rules based on individual bargaining power. The latter is defined for each household member as the share of resources gained by the household due to his/her presence. The causes of power differentials and their impact on income distribution are analysed in four EU countries presenting significantly different tax-benefit systems: Finland, Italy, Germany and the United Kingdom. ; La répartition égalitaire des ressources à l'intérieur du ménage est l'hypothèse la plus communément employée dans l'économie du bien être. A ce jour, très peu de travaux ont tenté de la dépasser. Les résultats sont cependant limités du fait du manque de données appropriées ou du manque de généralité des modèles. Cet article propose un nouveau cadre d'analyse permettant de dériver la règle de partage à partir du pouvoir de négociation. Ce pouvoir est défini pour chaque composant du ménage comme la partie de ressources obtenue par le ménage grâce à sa présence. Les déterminants des différentiels de pouvoir et leurs impacts sur la distribution des revenus sont analysés pour quatre pays européens présentant des différences significatives en termes de systèmes de redistribution : Finlande, Italie, Allemagne et Royaume Uni.

Crowdworkers—workers in the new digital economy—face new employment situations not covered by the existing legislation. This paper focuses on the specific problems in the labour and social security legislation as it relates to crowdworkers, analysing their place in labour markets, and especially in the collective agreements which are the standard means of regulating working conditions in the Nordic model. Exactly how the concept of employment should be framed when someone works for an online platform depends entirely on the platform's business model, which can vary from closely managed, vertically integrated businesses to service-only crowdsourcing agencies, so it is not easy to make general statements about crowdworkers' status. This paper analyses whether the concept of an 'employee' can be applied to crowdworkers, looking at both labour and tax law (the latter being especially important in the handling of social security and unemployment benefits). Under labour law the concept of an employee is a matter of interpretation, and the Swedish Labour Court would probably hold many crowdworkers to be employees, but equally a considerable number, being self-employed, would not be. The law on working and employment conditions offers only limited protection of those on short, fixed-term contracts; instead, it is social partners that have improved crowdworkers' conditions in some industries by using collective bargaining. However, there are no collective agreements in the digital economy, or indeed for platform entrepreneurs. The complications of the parties' positions will be analysed, especially as platforms do not consider themselves to be employers, but rather coordinators of the selfemployed. Particularly significant for the crowdsourcing economy are the regulations that give the same employees' rights to 'dependent contractors' who have employee-like status to organize and enter into collective agreements, while many crowdworkers are in a grey area, being neither employees, 'false self-employed', assignment workers, nor selfemployed. Legislatures are reviewing the situation at the national and EU levels in order to strengthen the rules for those in atypical forms of employment. This may lead social partners to finally acknowledge that they will have to introduce collective bargaining into the digital economy.