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Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to examine the relation between team political skill, i.e., the mean level of political skill among team members, and team performance. Specifically, it proposes that the link between team political skill and team performance is ambiguous and contingent upon a common professional background as well as collective team commitment within the team. Design/methodology/approach - Data from 45 service teams with 295 team members and their supervisors were analyzed. Hypotheses were tested using OLS regression. Findings - The results show that a common professional background and collective team commitment serve as crucial contingencies for the relationship between team political skill and team performance. Research limitations/implications - This study complements previous individual-level research demonstrating a positive relation between political skill and relevant outcomes by highlighting that the link between team political skill and team performance is ambiguous and contingent upon other team characteristics. Practical implications - To enhance team performance, managers should carefully consider the interplay between team political skill and other team characteristics when making staffing decisions. Originality/value - The study highlights the relation of political skill with team performance and points to a potential downside of political skill in organizations.

The critical dependence of armed forces on teams carrying out tasks in a continuously changing, uncertain and often dangerous environment, raises questions about how to better understand factors that enable or hamper effective team learning. So far there is no developed field of research into team learning in the Swedish Armed Forces. This is the first of several studies within the Swedish Armed Forces to explore and gain a better understanding of team learning. In this first study of team learning we followed a military staff exercise. The theoretical base in this study is Amy Edmondson's theoretical model for studying and analyzing team learning. The model consists of context support, team leader coaching, team psychology safety and team learning behavior. The results of this study supports the theoretical model of team learning and describe factors that are important for creating good conditions for team learning behavior.

Women's representation on corporate boards, political committees, and other teams is increasing, in part because of legal mandates. Data on team dynamics and gender differences in preferences (risk-taking behavior, taste for competition, prosocial behavior) show how gender composition influences group decision-making and subsequent performance through channels such as investment decisions, internal management, corporate governance, and social responsibility.

Women's representation on corporate boards, political committees, and other decision-making teams is increasing, this is in part because of legal mandates. Evidence on team dynamics and gender differences in preferences (for example, risk-taking behavior, taste for competition, prosocial behavior) shows how gender composition influences group decision-making and subsequent performance. This works through channels such as investment decisions, internal management, corporate governance, and social responsibility.

This paper examines trust in global military teams. The relationship between perceived levels of trust and efficiency in working in virtual military teams is investigated. The issue of trust is considered in a number of situations. Questionnaires were used to gather factual data about respondents, how often they worked within a global design team, and their preferred method of communication, how their global military teams compared to military team-working carried out with co-located members; and their opinion of how the operation of global teams could be improved, particularly related to trust. In addition, there was a focus group meeting consisting of team leaders, to explore the concerns and issues highlighted through the questionnaire.

Many decisions in politics and business are made by teams rather than by single individuals. In contrast, economic models typically assume an individual rational decision maker. A rapidly growing body of (experimental) literature investigates team decisions in different settings. We study team decisions in a public goods contribution game with a costly punishment option and compare it to the behavior of individuals in a laboratory experiment. We also consider different team decision-making rules (unanimity, majority). We find that teams contribute significantly more and punish less than individuals, regardless of the team decision rule. Overall, teams yield higher payoffs than individuals.

This dissertation addresses teamwork with the tools of economics in three specialized settings--I examine (1) how teams form under discrimination, (2) what shareholders can accomplish for themselves and society when operating as group that they cannot as individuals, and (3) ethnicity's role in the performance of pairings between venture capitalists and entrepreneurs. Adverse Selection in Team Formation under Discrimination The decision to be an entrepreneur or an employee is among the most consequential any individual will ever face. Does race or gender influence that choice? Could discrimination affect occupational performance? Several empirical studies on occupational segregation suggest (1) minorities are more likely to choose (or be chosen for) occupations in which teamwork plays a minimal role and (2) that minorities excel in these individualistic positions. Teamwork and discrimination are fundamentally linked because while teamwork can be synergistic, it obscures team members' individual contributions: managers can try to infer unobservable individual contribution from observable characteristics like race or sex. Thus, a talented minority worker should choose entrepreneurship or other occupation where his individual accomplishments cannot easily be attributed to others, if doing so will make him better off. Could this self-selection sustain discrimination even if managers paid workers proportional to their expected ability; that is, according to their merit? This paper shows that it can. Furthermore, among those choosing to work as entrepreneurs or in other individualistic occupations, discrimination victims outperform beneficiaries. Since beliefs about discrimination influence which teams forms, discriminatory equilibria may be more productive than egalitarianism--the implications are discussed. The model presented here distinguishes itself in a rich literature on statistical discrimination, by explaining empirically observed behavior that has not yet been addressed, elucidating why the prescriptions derived from extant model have had limited success, and by enabling the analysis of additional forms of discrimination. Social Responsibility of Firms beyond Profits Corporate social responsibility (CSR) expenditures are often seen as a perquisite of the manager at shareholder expense or an indirect form of profit maximization. The former explanation creates an agency puzzle and ethical dilemma--who should/do managers work for? Empirical support for the latter explanation is mixed, at best. I highlight another possibility consistent with recent findings that absentee managed plants in the US emit more toxins, on average, than other plants (Grant, Jones and Trautner 2010). I develop a model in which a manager who maximizes shareholder welfare will optimally engage in CSR that leaves shareholders with less money. Furthermore, no behavioral motives, such as "warm glow" are required--instead, the familiar public economics framework of pure altruism is used; i.e. shareholders care only about their own private material consumption and their own private benefit from public goods, like clean air. In this framework, (1) a manager will provision more public goods, say by supporting environmental causes, from the profits of the firm than if the manager distributed all profits to shareholders as dividends and left shareholders to contribute in a decentralized manner on their own. (2) If the firm generates negative externalities, like pollution, the firm always produces less than the profit maximizing output. (3) If shareholders would have their manager contribute anything at all to the public good at the socially optimal level of production, the firm will, in fact, produce the socially optimal quantity and provision the public good, without intervention by a social planner. Thus, when this condition holds, government regulation to control the quantity produced by firms can do no better for society than a manager who works only on behalf of her shareholders. Reasons why this condition may be expected to hold in many real world settings are discussed. (4) Finally, when this condition holds, decreasing marginal production costs increase public goods as much as decreasing marginal externalities. This neutrality result implies that government subsidization of technology, which improves the cost-effectiveness of production, may yield cleaner air than subsidization of less polluting technology, if the former is cheaper to develop. The model also yields a number of distinct empirically testable hypotheses, including that, all else being equal, more widely held firms will engage in greater CSR than more closely held firms. At a broader level, the model reveals not only a novel explanation for costly CSR but that making managers more accountable to shareholders confers a social benefit. Can Birds of a Feather Fly Together?--Evidence for the Economic Payoffs of Ethnic Homophily How do ethnic networks influence venture capitalists' choice of companies to invest in, and the performance of the investments? We investigate this question by using data on the ethnic origins of over 22,000 U.S.-based V.C. partners and the 98,000 top-level executives of the startup companies they invested in during the years 1991-2010. We construct measures of "ethnic distance" for each potential VC-company pair and find that after controlling for the sorting of ethnic groups into certain industries and geographic areas, a 1% decrease in ethnic distance for the pair increases the probability of investment by up to 0.05%. Evidence for the influence of ethnicity is particularly strong during early-rounds of investment when information costs of the relationship are high, and for ethnic populations associated with "collectivist" cultures such as Japanese, Korean and Chinese. Conditional on investment, a 1% increase in ethnic closeness increases the probability that the portfolio company advances to successive rounds (the effect being strongest for the early rounds), and the probability of successful exits through IPO by 0.6-1.2%. This translates to a striking estimated ex ante increase in IRR between 7% and 15% for the average VC. We conclude that co-ethnic networks have a profound economic influence on venture investments.

Environmental permitting for transportation projects is complex and time consuming. Communication and sharing of information between permitting agency staff can be inefficient, partially due to staff location in different geographic areas. The establishment of a Multi-Agency Permitting (MAP) Team is a project to demonstrate the advantages of co-locating regulatory staff from multiple agencies in a common office to enhance interpersonal communication and interagency coordination. Effective communication early in project development is key to risk identification and project management and consequently, maintaining the planned schedule and budget. The purpose of the MAP Team is to cooperatively process environmental permits for Washington State Department of Transportation (WSDOT) transportation projects while protecting natural resources in the public interest. Participating agencies hope to demonstrate the efficiency and cost effectiveness of this new concept of focused governmental cooperation. The primary goal is to provide thorough, expedited review of permit applications to ensure that transportation projects are consistent with environmental regulations and agency agreements and policies. Project overview and methodology The State of Washington is investing in strategies intended to streamline environmental regulatory and permit processes. The creation of the MAP Team is one such strategic investment that is designed to demonstrate how WSDOT and regulatory agencies can work together to meet transportation and environmental goals. The MAP Team charter agencies include: WSDOT, Washington State Department of Ecology, Washington Department of Fish and Wildlife, United States Army Corps of Engineers, and King County Department of Development and Environmental Services. MAP Team members are co-located together a minimum of one day a week at the Department of Ecology's Northwest Regional Office in Bellevue. The MAP Team concept is being tested on approximately 52 transportation projects primarily in western Washington. The MAP Team has been up and running since early November 2003 and is scheduled through June of 2007. After initially defining how to work together, the team began communicating with their customer base in an attempt to make permitting processes more consistent and predictable. The MAP Team has been using this feedback to initiate streamlining opportunities to: define complete application(s), create early project coordination and MAP Team permit processes, identify improvement opportunities within each agency, and to create model business practices that will use existing project experiences to deliver future projects. These investments in early project coordination are being tracked through eight performance measures. The MAP Team model is based on developing a foundation of trust and open communication between a diverse, highly capable group of decision makers from the five agencies. This formula provides an accountable, transparent process that is able to identify risks and opportunities and to address and avoid conflicts early, thereby achieving permit decisions in a predictable and timely manner. Current results To date, the MAP Team has been involved in reviewing permits for over 25 transportation projects. The MAP Team work is being evaluated against a number of performance standards. These include permit processing time, baseline comparisons, agency investments, initiating change, conflict resolution, and meeting customer expectations. Evaluation of these performance standards will be used to determine the success of the MAP Team concept. Recommendations for the future Based on the initial stakeholder feedback from this pilot project, the MAP Team business model appears to be a good investment toward the delivery of transportation improvement projects. Because of this feedback, the MAP Team pilot project, which was to sunset in June 2005, was extended to June 30, 2007. After further evaluation, it is possible that Washington State may institute the MAP Team concept as a permanent business practice with the potential for growth in other transportation, intergovernmental, and private venture applications.

Complexity comes from dramatic structural changes to organizations and governments such as globalization, global competition, workforce diversity, and continual innovations. Complex adaptive systems (CAS) are organizations that are a composite of the interconnected whole. Teams must manage and operate in emerging ecosystems, understand factors that lead to team effectiveness when managing and facilitating teams and team conflict, and understand the development of conflict models. This chapter provides an overview of teams, CAS, conflict stages, and conflict models. This chapter presents adaptive leadership as one leadership style that offers organizations with the capabilities of reacting to changing environments quickly. Adaptive leadership offers a prescriptive approach for managers and leaders to follow when dealing with organizational conflict while operating in today's complex and global environment.

Under immense pressure to bring some certainty into the markets, Barack Obama has moved quickly to announce his choice for main cabinet posts. His planned appointments, as well as his policy announcements, are a study in how to turn crisis into opportunity. A reader of history, with particular attention to the biographies of certain presidents, he has taken a page from Abraham Lincoln in naming a "team of rivals" or at least of big personalities with strong opinions, as his foreign policy lineup: Hillary Clinton will be Secretary of State and General James Jones, a retired Marine commander, his National Security Advisor, while Robert Gates, current Secretary of Defense under Bush, would stay on at least for the first year of the Obama administration. On the economic side, his choice for Treasure Secretary, arguably the most important post in this crisis is Timothy Geithner, New York Federal Reserve chairman, who has been working closely with both Federal Reserve President Ben Bernanke and Treasure Secretary Hank Paulson, and has been part of the decision-making on bank bailouts from the very beginning. This would give continuity to the policy choices already made and bring a stronger measure of certainty and coherence to the process. With the cooperation of George W. Bush, Obama has been shaping the policy-making process behind the scenes, but after calls for him to give some certainty to the markets and to fill the power vacuum of the interregnum period, he has come forward several times this week to reassure consumers and markets that he is ready to continue the federal government's unprecedented spending in order to stimulate the economy. His activist government agenda will be in many ways enabled by the crisis, for example in job creation and energy transformation: he can tie those two goals together by embarking on a New Deal-style of public works while at the same time renewing the energy base of the economy, thereby meeting environmental goals and severing the country's economically costly and politically unsustainable dependency on oil. He is also helped by the fact that bipartisanship is for now a necessity until the first critical period of this dire economic period is crossed. Just like FDR took advantage of the Great Depression to drive through his agenda of redistribution, so can Obama. Energy renewal, job creation, adequate health care, education, regulation and tax reform all are goals that had been neglected for too long but now there is an opportunity to turn them into part of the solution to economic recovery. At times when calls for government action are coming from all sides of the political spectrum, the opportunity to turn those calls into reform is enormous, and Obama is using his bully pulpit early to lead the country in that direction. He is now proposing the rapid approval of an economic stimulus deemed around the sum of 500 billion dollars in federal spending and tax cuts for the middle class. As the pieces of the Obama's cabinet puzzle start falling into place, most observers are surprised at the pragmatism that seems to be guiding his choices. Timothy Geithner is a centrist, a problem solver, a Wall Street outsider, who has worked in different position at the Department of Treasury since 1988, under three different presidents. During the Clinton administration he dealt with the Asian crisis and the Mexican bailout. A dedicated public servant, pro-regulation, young and non-ideological, he has a student-mentor relationship with Larry Summers, Treasure Secretary under Clinton and also a pragmatist, who will now become Obama's economic adviser. This choice as well as others points to a fact-based administration, which coincides with the vision laid out by Obama during the campaign, one that solves problems and is not ruled by ideology. Bob Rubin, a deficit "hawk" with a strong penchant for balanced budgets who was also Treasure Secretary under Clinton, is helping Obama put together the economic team, which so far has no progressive heavy weight economists like Joseph Stiglitz or James Galbraith, both of whom were Obama advisers during the campaign. Similarly, on the foreign policy front, Obama chose Hillary Clinton, in spite of their disagreements in foreign policy during the primary election campaign. And all signs point to his picking of General James Jones, a retired Marine general and former NATO commander, as his National Security Advisor. Jones is a Vietnam decorated veteran with strong cross-party appeal, who was asked twice by Condoleezza Rice to be her adviser at State (but he declined). Defense Secretary Bob Gates, another dedicated public servant, would be asked to stay on at Defense and negotiate the next stage of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. He is close to Brent Scowcroft, former National Security Adviser for Bush 41 and Gerald Ford, who has criticized George W. Bush for both the decision to invade Iraq, which he called "a war of choice not of necessity", and the way he allowed it to be mishandled by Rumsfeld. To this eclectic team one must add Vice President Joe Biden, whose foreign policy experience was a main consideration when he was picked by Obama as his running mate. He will certainly be another strong voice at the foreign policy table. The main intention behind these choices seems to be that, once Obama succeeds in forming an effective team out of such strong and experienced personalities on the foreign policy front, he can more comfortably focus on the economy without distractions. These early decisions, whether confirmed, leaked out or strongly rumored, have Washington buzzing. Does the choice of experienced people detract from Obama's message of change? Not necessarily, since it is the President that will set the agenda and who will lay out the vision. Obama invites strong opinions from his aides, and likes to debate options. That is how he envisions the decision-making process, with his advisers as partners in governance, not as passive surrogates. But there are risks to this approach, the main one being how to mesh these big egos with different backgrounds and perspectives into a real team that can work together without undermining each of its individual members' missions. That is exactly what happened to Secretary of State Colin Powell under the Bush-Cheney White House: he did not have the full backing of the rest of the team, especially of the vice-president, so he became ineffective and he never recovered. Another rumor often heard around the capital this week, especially in the anti-Obama camp, is that, given his cabinet choices, Obama seems to be positioning himself to govern from the center of the political spectrum, thus "betraying his progressive agenda" and his left-wing supporters. This claim is incorrect for two main reasons. First, because it is blind to the fact that his so-called "progressive agenda" coincides with the center today. The ideological center has shifted, and "Progressive" is now mainstream. What was considered radical ten or twenty years ago is now what most of Americans want, namely: demands for corporate responsibility and universal health care, concerns about global warming and energy renewal, a foreign policy based on multilateral decision making, respect for human rights and international law. It is still a divided country, but the wide majority wants reform. Second, Obama's blueprint of massive public investment to rebuild infrastructure and schools, and to create "green" jobs, his new "New Deal", will be made possible by the crisis itself. Most experts agree that this is not a time to worry about budget deficits. There are new opportunities created by the crisis itself: the call for government action comes from all sides, so it is time to use the momentous circumstances to bring about the change that has been postponed for so long, and to do it in the service of job creation and sustainable growth. Just like President Roosevelt used the Great Depression to drive through his economic agenda of education and distribution, so Obama should make use of the moment and embark on major investments in a XXI century infrastructure, with a new electric grid, water and sewer system, a world class internet service and health care reform. The new stimulus package announced this week seems to be a first step in that direction. In the next few days the President-elect will announce his choices to head the Department of Commerce and Homeland Security. Bill Richardson, the Hispanic governor of New Mexico, and Jane Napolitano, governor of Arizona are the most likely candidates. Bill Richardson's nomination will be very important since it will not only appease Hispanics (over 67% of who voted for Obama) but also signify a pro-free trade stance by Obama that will assuage fears of Protectionism both in American and abroad. On her part, Jane Napolitano is someone with hands-on experience in Immigration, and her choice to head Homeland Security seems to signal that serious Immigration reform is also on the Executive's agenda. At only three weeks after his election, and at eight weeks before his inauguration, Barack Obama has been forced to use his bully pulpit to restore confidence and pledge continuity to commitments already made by the outgoing administration. He has shown his pragmatism by inviting the best-qualified and most experienced people into his cabinet to face the difficulties ahead, regardless of their ideology or ties to past administrations. His greatest challenge is to continue turning crisis into opportunity, using the unprecedented consensus on government spending to promote his transformational agenda. He must stick to his narrative of change and use his cabinet's experience to make that change happen. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

En este artículo se propone una transformación del gobierno de las universidades públicas de Colombia en el marco de una propuesta de reforma de la educación superior. En esta se debe introducir la idea de la profundización de la democracia en consonancia con las transformaciones políticas y sociales que se están dando en el país en el sentido de un cambio en las estructuras de poder político. Esta transformación tiene que darse mediante una radicalización de la representación profesoral y estudiantil. ; Aunque es común referirse al imperio internacional de la ley, es menos común definirlo o explorar lo que significa. En este ensayo examino el imperio internacional de la ley en la práctica y en teoría. Esto es importante porque muchas controversias sobre la dirección de la política mundial se basan de hecho en explicaciones diferentes del imperio internacional de la ley. Comprender las diferentes maneras en que se usa esta idea y sus implicaciones para la elección de políticas puede ayudar a clarificar lo que se está discutiendo y lo que no en las controversias globales. Yo planteo tres enfoques distintos del concepto de imperio internacional de la ley y los comparo con la práctica estatal contemporánea. El primero está anclado en la obligación de los estados de cumplir sus obligaciones legales internacionales. El segundo traza una analogía con el imperio doméstico de la ley. El tercero parte de la observación de que los estados invocan la ley internacional para explicar y justificar sus políticas – de aquí se amplía a un modelo de la ley como parte integral de la legitimación política. Me parece que el tercero ofrece la comprensión conceptualmente más coherente del imperio internacional de la ley y tiene implicaciones interesantes para el estudio de la ley y la política internacionales. ; El autor aborda la tendencia del crecimiento del capital por encima de la expansión económica, que ha generado una excesiva desigualdad, mostrando que esto además ha coincidido con el retroceso en el estado de bienestar, incidiendo en las políticas nacionales y por ello generando una transformación del estatus de ciudadano hacia un productor de bienes y consumidor. Los argumentos se dirigen a mostrar cómo esta situación contradice los principios de protección de las mínimas condiciones sociales y económicas esgrimidos por la declaración universal de los derechos humanos y el modo como el capital internacional incide en las decisiones políticas transformando el concepto tradicional de soberanía y de ciudadanía. Se evidencia pues una necesidad de decisiones que, en términos políticos impongan cargas económicas al capital, sobre todo al internacional. ; La filosofía estándar de la economía presupone que en el dominio de los fenómenos económicos subyacen regularidades estables, las cuales pueden explicarse mediante el funcionamiento de mecanismos o de máquinas socioeconómicas. Asimismo, se considera que una vez puestos en funcionamiento, su comportamiento no necesita de subsecuentes intervenciones. Esto implica asumir que los procesos socioeconómicos tienen una naturaleza semejante a los de las ciencias naturales. No obstante, dichas regularidades son por lo general examinadas a la luz de algún modelo económico, por lo cual pierden muchas veces contacto con el mundo real. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo poner en el centro del análisis otro objeto de estudio: los procesos económicos basados en expectativas. Se trata de procesos en los cuales la acción humana funciona como nexo causal entre las variables económicas y en los que dicha acción es producto de una formación previa de expectativas, las cuales son sensibles a la información del contexto. Se mostrará que en esta clase de procesos la intervención sistemática sobre las condiciones de fondo y sobre las expectativas es fundamental si lo que se busca es alcanzar un objetivo deseado o lograr un proceso estable. Esta intervención requerirá no solo del conocimiento proporcionado por los modelos, sino también de un conocimiento extrateorético o interdisciplinario. ; El desarrollo y la especialización que sufrieran los organismos policiales durante la modernidad condujeron a un cuestionamiento en torno a sus competencias para afectar las formas de vida de la sociedad, llegando a un punto máximo cuando esta intervención comprendía limitar la libertad —tanto pública como privada— de los ciudadanos. El debate que surge en torno a la actividad policial en relación con estos dos puntos —entre coerción y libertad— es el presentado a la luz de los pensamientos de Fichte y Hegel, con vista a analizar las condiciones (y las condicionantes que impone) en las que ejerce su acción dentro de la sociedad. ; En este artículo se expone una reflexión desde la propuesta teórica de Charles Taylor sobre la construcción de la identidad individual como una narración social frente a la crítica de Amartya Sen, quien propone la identidad como resultado solo de la elección personal. Se argumenta que las críticas que Amartya Sen hace a los argumentos de Taylor son infundadas, ya que la perspectiva de Charles Taylor se centra más en el carácter fundamentalmente constructivo, narrativo y dialógico de la identidad que en la pérdida de la libertad y la mera aceptación acrítica de la identidad asumida. Se concluye que la identidad como narración social desde la perspectiva teoría de Taylor sí da cabida a la capacidad de elegir de los individuos y a la consideración de las identidades múltiples y múltiples lealtades identitarias, pero se hace notar la importancia del contexto social y del grupo por encima de la elección personal en el momento en que una persona construye su identidad, ya que les da valor a los bienes externos como la comunidad cultural y lingüística a la que la pertenece y que hacen posible la inteligibilidad y la narración de lo que somos y de quiénes somos. ; Se examina la relación entre razones y causas de la acción en el psicoanálisis freudiano. Hay acuerdo en que Freud confundía, o por lo menos no hizo una distinción rigurosa a lo largo de su trabajo, entre razones y causas. Se analizarán dos interpretaciones al respecto. De un lado, la que sostiene que había en él una tendencia naturalista y que, en ese sentido, nunca abandonó su pretensión de encontrar las causas de la acción humana; de otro lado, la que defiende que en Freud imperó siempre una orientación más psicologizante, con base en la cual defendió la búsqueda del sentido de actos fallidos, sueños, etc.; lo cual lo llevó a abandonar su orientación cientificista y a concentrarse en la comprensión o interpretación de la acción. Como alternativa se propone considerar que el conflicto en Freud se soluciona si dejamos de lado los dualismos razones / causas y comprensión /explicación. ; El objetivo de este trabajo es discutir la interpretación tradicional según la cual los razonamientos de Zenón de Elea en contra de la multiplicidad constituyen una defensa de la tesis monista. Intentaré demostrar que las objeciones zenonianas a la multiplicidad suponen una crítica previa a la existencia de "lo uno". Por este motivo, Zenón no es monista ni pluralista, sino, más bien, un crítico de las perspectivas metafísicas que consideran al ser en términos numéricos, i. e. como uno o como múltiple. Para ello me concentraré en el análisis de la interpretación que Aristóteles desarrolla sobre la filosofía de Zenón, considerando algunos pasajes de Física, Refutaciones sofísticas y, fundamentalmente, Metafísica, III. 4. 1001b7-13 (DK 29 A 21). También incluiré algunos testimonios del comentario a la Física de Simplicio, en los que se discuten las interpretaciones de Eudemo de Rodas y Alejandro de Afrodisia, que ratifican el punto de vista aristotélico sobre la filosofía de Zenón (In Ph. 99.7-18, DK 29 A 21; 138.3-6, DK 29 A 22). ; A fines de los 50 y a lo largo de los años 60 Feyerabend formula su doctrina de la proliferación teórica. Con ella busca inicialmente destacar la presencia positiva de la metafísica en el proceso de explicación teórica. Concretamente, pretende dar cuenta de la impotencia de toda teoría científica de explicar realísticamente el mundo si no estuviera informada por supuestos que sus interlocutores juzgan como a-científicos o pre-científicos. Ahora bien, para poder precisar el papel que juega la metafísica en el proceso de explicación teórica es preciso dilucidar qué entiende Feyerabend por realismo. Entre los especialistas existe una discusión acerca de si este defiende un realismo científico o un antirrealismo. Con el propósito de poder comprender en qué sentido Feyerabend sostiene que la metafísica provee vías de acceso para explicar el mundo, procuraremos demostrar la naturaleza normativa de su realismo.

Identification and description of 132 cleft palate teams in the United States, Canada, France, Ireland, Japan, Mexico, the Netherlands, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland. Intended for parents, health professionals, and government officials. Geographical arrangements by states and by countries. Each entry includes information about the team, e.g., identification, specialty composition of staff, clinical and special services, statistics, and affiliation. Also includes list of all team participants. ; Identification and description of 132 cleft palate teams in the United States, Canada, France, Ireland, Japan, Mexico, the Netherlands, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland. Intended for parents, health professionals, and government officials. Geographical arrangements by states and by countries. Each entry includes information about the team, e.g., identification, specialty composition of staff, clinical and special services, statistics, and affiliation. Also includes list of all team participants. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Supplementary notes: See also ADM202526. Military Operations Research Society Symposium (75th) Held in Annapolis, Maryland on June 12-14, 2007, The original document contains color images. ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

the Bank of America, Bing, Camp, Doherty, Francis, Lawrence, Probasco, Smith, Williams, and Wilson Funds

En este artículo se propone una transformación del gobierno de las universidades públicas de Colombia en el marco de una propuesta de reforma de la educación superior. En esta se debe introducir la idea de la profundización de la democracia en consonancia con las transformaciones políticas y sociales que se están dando en el país en el sentido de un cambio en las estructuras de poder político. Esta transformación tiene que darse mediante una radicalización de la representación profesoral y estudiantil. ; Aunque es común referirse al imperio internacional de la ley, es menos común definirlo o explorar lo que significa. En este ensayo examino el imperio internacional de la ley en la práctica y en teoría. Esto es importante porque muchas controversias sobre la dirección de la política mundial se basan de hecho en explicaciones diferentes del imperio internacional de la ley. Comprender las diferentes maneras en que se usa esta idea y sus implicaciones para la elección de políticas puede ayudar a clarificar lo que se está discutiendo y lo que no en las controversias globales. Yo planteo tres enfoques distintos del concepto de imperio internacional de la ley y los comparo con la práctica estatal contemporánea. El primero está anclado en la obligación de los estados de cumplir sus obligaciones legales internacionales. El segundo traza una analogía con el imperio doméstico de la ley. El tercero parte de la observación de que los estados invocan la ley internacional para explicar y justificar sus políticas – de aquí se amplía a un modelo de la ley como parte integral de la legitimación política. Me parece que el tercero ofrece la comprensión conceptualmente más coherente del imperio internacional de la ley y tiene implicaciones interesantes para el estudio de la ley y la política internacionales. ; El autor aborda la tendencia del crecimiento del capital por encima de la expansión económica, que ha generado una excesiva desigualdad, mostrando que esto además ha coincidido con el retroceso en el estado de bienestar, incidiendo en las políticas nacionales y por ello generando una transformación del estatus de ciudadano hacia un productor de bienes y consumidor. Los argumentos se dirigen a mostrar cómo esta situación contradice los principios de protección de las mínimas condiciones sociales y económicas esgrimidos por la declaración universal de los derechos humanos y el modo como el capital internacional incide en las decisiones políticas transformando el concepto tradicional de soberanía y de ciudadanía. Se evidencia pues una necesidad de decisiones que, en términos políticos impongan cargas económicas al capital, sobre todo al internacional. ; La filosofía estándar de la economía presupone que en el dominio de los fenómenos económicos subyacen regularidades estables, las cuales pueden explicarse mediante el funcionamiento de mecanismos o de máquinas socioeconómicas. Asimismo, se considera que una vez puestos en funcionamiento, su comportamiento no necesita de subsecuentes intervenciones. Esto implica asumir que los procesos socioeconómicos tienen una naturaleza semejante a los de las ciencias naturales. No obstante, dichas regularidades son por lo general examinadas a la luz de algún modelo económico, por lo cual pierden muchas veces contacto con el mundo real. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo poner en el centro del análisis otro objeto de estudio: los procesos económicos basados en expectativas. Se trata de procesos en los cuales la acción humana funciona como nexo causal entre las variables económicas y en los que dicha acción es producto de una formación previa de expectativas, las cuales son sensibles a la información del contexto. Se mostrará que en esta clase de procesos la intervención sistemática sobre las condiciones de fondo y sobre las expectativas es fundamental si lo que se busca es alcanzar un objetivo deseado o lograr un proceso estable. Esta intervención requerirá no solo del conocimiento proporcionado por los modelos, sino también de un conocimiento extrateorético o interdisciplinario. ; El desarrollo y la especialización que sufrieran los organismos policiales durante la modernidad condujeron a un cuestionamiento en torno a sus competencias para afectar las formas de vida de la sociedad, llegando a un punto máximo cuando esta intervención comprendía limitar la libertad —tanto pública como privada— de los ciudadanos. El debate que surge en torno a la actividad policial en relación con estos dos puntos —entre coerción y libertad— es el presentado a la luz de los pensamientos de Fichte y Hegel, con vista a analizar las condiciones (y las condicionantes que impone) en las que ejerce su acción dentro de la sociedad. ; En este artículo se expone una reflexión desde la propuesta teórica de Charles Taylor sobre la construcción de la identidad individual como una narración social frente a la crítica de Amartya Sen, quien propone la identidad como resultado solo de la elección personal. Se argumenta que las críticas que Amartya Sen hace a los argumentos de Taylor son infundadas, ya que la perspectiva de Charles Taylor se centra más en el carácter fundamentalmente constructivo, narrativo y dialógico de la identidad que en la pérdida de la libertad y la mera aceptación acrítica de la identidad asumida. Se concluye que la identidad como narración social desde la perspectiva teoría de Taylor sí da cabida a la capacidad de elegir de los individuos y a la consideración de las identidades múltiples y múltiples lealtades identitarias, pero se hace notar la importancia del contexto social y del grupo por encima de la elección personal en el momento en que una persona construye su identidad, ya que les da valor a los bienes externos como la comunidad cultural y lingüística a la que la pertenece y que hacen posible la inteligibilidad y la narración de lo que somos y de quiénes somos. ; Se examina la relación entre razones y causas de la acción en el psicoanálisis freudiano. Hay acuerdo en que Freud confundía, o por lo menos no hizo una distinción rigurosa a lo largo de su trabajo, entre razones y causas. Se analizarán dos interpretaciones al respecto. De un lado, la que sostiene que había en él una tendencia naturalista y que, en ese sentido, nunca abandonó su pretensión de encontrar las causas de la acción humana; de otro lado, la que defiende que en Freud imperó siempre una orientación más psicologizante, con base en la cual defendió la búsqueda del sentido de actos fallidos, sueños, etc.; lo cual lo llevó a abandonar su orientación cientificista y a concentrarse en la comprensión o interpretación de la acción. Como alternativa se propone considerar que el conflicto en Freud se soluciona si dejamos de lado los dualismos razones / causas y comprensión /explicación. ; El objetivo de este trabajo es discutir la interpretación tradicional según la cual los razonamientos de Zenón de Elea en contra de la multiplicidad constituyen una defensa de la tesis monista. Intentaré demostrar que las objeciones zenonianas a la multiplicidad suponen una crítica previa a la existencia de "lo uno". Por este motivo, Zenón no es monista ni pluralista, sino, más bien, un crítico de las perspectivas metafísicas que consideran al ser en términos numéricos, i. e. como uno o como múltiple. Para ello me concentraré en el análisis de la interpretación que Aristóteles desarrolla sobre la filosofía de Zenón, considerando algunos pasajes de Física, Refutaciones sofísticas y, fundamentalmente, Metafísica, III. 4. 1001b7-13 (DK 29 A 21). También incluiré algunos testimonios del comentario a la Física de Simplicio, en los que se discuten las interpretaciones de Eudemo de Rodas y Alejandro de Afrodisia, que ratifican el punto de vista aristotélico sobre la filosofía de Zenón (In Ph. 99.7-18, DK 29 A 21; 138.3-6, DK 29 A 22). ; A fines de los 50 y a lo largo de los años 60 Feyerabend formula su doctrina de la proliferación teórica. Con ella busca inicialmente destacar la presencia positiva de la metafísica en el proceso de explicación teórica. Concretamente, pretende dar cuenta de la impotencia de toda teoría científica de explicar realísticamente el mundo si no estuviera informada por supuestos que sus interlocutores juzgan como a-científicos o pre-científicos. Ahora bien, para poder precisar el papel que juega la metafísica en el proceso de explicación teórica es preciso dilucidar qué entiende Feyerabend por realismo. Entre los especialistas existe una discusión acerca de si este defiende un realismo científico o un antirrealismo. Con el propósito de poder comprender en qué sentido Feyerabend sostiene que la metafísica provee vías de acceso para explicar el mundo, procuraremos demostrar la naturaleza normativa de su realismo.